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6/13/2016

Consulta als socis de l'ANC

Heus aquí el text del correu enviat a tots els associats de ple dret el dia 11 de juny de 2016. A sota us faig una invitació:

Benvolgut/da,
El Secretariat de l’ANC ha acordat consultar als associats sobre la convocatòria d’un Referèndum d’independència.
Aquesta consulta es portarà a terme abans del diumenge 3 de juliol i hi són convocats tots els membres de ple dret de l’ANC. La votació es podrà realitzar tant presencialment com electrònicament.
La pregunta acordada és:
Vols que l'ANC exigeixi a les institucions catalanes que convoquin el poble de Catalunya a un Referèndum per DECIDIR sobre la Independència?
La darrera setmana ha suposat un punt d'inflexió en el procés d'independència. Aquest passat dimecres els partits polítics no han estat capaços de mantenir la unitat que sempre els hem reclamat, de manera que l'acord de governabilitat pactat al gener de 2016 queda en entredit.
Per l’ANC, el full de ruta que va sortir de les eleccions del 27 de setembre ha quedat manifestament erosionat. Per això, proposem avançar cap a la convocatòria d'un referèndum d'independència, la via més democràtica, legítima i efectiva per arribar a la proclamació de la República Catalana, recuperant la iniciativa política de la majoria independentista i finalitzant el procés.
Si la resposta a la consulta és positiva, l’ANC proposarà i exigirà al Govern i al Parlament, la celebració d’un referèndum amb resposta binària sobre una pregunta clara en relació a la independència de Catalunya. El poble de Catalunya haurà de decidir, sobiranament, el seu futur polític. D’acord amb aquest plantejament, el resultat del referèndum ha d’implicar, en cas de victòria del Si, la declaració immediata d’independència.
Ha arribat el moment de tornar el lideratge del procés a la societat. Hem de ser novament les entitats socials sobiranistes, les que exigim als partits polítics les actuacions necessàries per superar les seves diferències i culminar el procés sobiranista.
Durant els propers dies et comunicarem tots els detalls de la futura consulta.
Endavant República Catalana!
Secretariat Nacional
Badalona, 11 de juny del 2016

Amigues i amics, 
Us convido a fer-me comentaris indicant clarament (i sintètica!) avantatges o inconvenients de votar "Sí" o "No" a la consulta. 

8/13/2015

material ANC


Aquí teniu diversos díptics i tríptics sobre el camí cap a la independència, que ajuden a aclarir dubtes.


Tríptic amb una explicació detallada de com funcionarà la Via Lliure, el dia 11 de setembre a l'avinguda Meridiana de Barcelona, a partir de les 3 de la tarda. Adreces web per inscripcions i més informació.
http://assemblea.cat/sites/default/files/material/Tr%C3%ADptic_Via_Lliure_OK_0.jpg (davant del tríptic)
http://assemblea.cat/sites/default/files/material/Tr%C3%ADptic_Via_Lliure_interior_OK.jpg (darrera del tríptic)


7 RESPUESTAS SOBRE LA INDEPENDENCIA
http://assemblea.cat/sites/default/files/material/Diptico7RespuestasSobreLaIndependencia-CAST.pdf
  • 1. ¿PARA QUÉ UNA CATALUÑA INDEPENDIENTE? 
  • 2. ¿SEGUIREMOS EN LA UNIÓN EUROPEA? 
  • 3. ¿SEGUIRÉ COBRANDO LA PENSIÓN O LA PRESTACIÓN POR DESEMPLEO? 
  • 4. ¿SERÁ LA REPÚBLICA CATALANA ECONÒMICAMENTE VIABLE? 
  • 5. ¿PODRÉ SEGUIR SIENDO ESPAÑOL? 
  • 6. ¿ LOS POLÍTICOS ACTUARÁN COMO HASTA AHORA?
  • 7. ¿POR QUÉ NECESITAMOS UN NUEVO ESTADO?


7 RESPOSTES SOBRE LA INDEPENDÈNCIA
http://assemblea.cat/sites/default/files/material/Diptic7RespostesSobreLaIndepend_ncia-CAT.pdf

  • 1. CATALUNYA INDEPENDENT, PER A QUÈ? 
  • 2. SEGUIREM A LA UNIÓ EUROPEA?
  • 3. SEGUIRÉ COBRANT LA PENSIÓ O L’ATUR?
  • 4. SERÀ ECONÒMICAMENT VIABLE?
  • 5. PODRÉ SEGUIR ESSENT ESPANYOL? 
  • 6. ELS POLÍTICS FARAN COM FINS ARA?
  • 7. PER QUÈ ENS CAL UN ESTAT?


"La República Catalana continuarà sent Europa" (díptic)
"A la Catalunya independent seguiré cobrant la pensió o els subsidis" (díptic)
http://assemblea.cat/sites/default/files/material/Pensions.pdf


"Catalunya independent serà econòmicament viable" (díptic)

12/21/2014

Missatge del Secretariat Nacional de l'ANC


Benvolgut/da MIQUEL STRUBELL,

Clica a sota, a "Més informació", per llegir la resta de l'escrit.

10/12/2014

Cambridge: Jocs Florals Revival, 2014

Were it not for Catalonia's will to achieve full home rule, I wouldn't be here. Before you nod sagely - the Jocs Florals Revival has been organised by the England delegation of the Catalan National Assembly (ANC), the hugely successful grassroots movement whose tens of thousands of members agree that history shows (some have just reached this conclusion!) that independence is the only way for the Catalan people to have any hope at all of surviving as a people - let me put you aright. I wouldn't be here ... on this planet. 

But for Catalonia's will, intolerant Spain would not have risen in arms against Catalonia's limited level of self-government recovered in the 1930s, and tens of thousands of Catalan would not have had to flee over the border when the Catalan front collapsed early in 1939. Among them, my mother and her family. But for that war, she would not have come to England, for her father, doctor Josep Trueta, had become the world's top specialist in the treatment of war wounds, including thoudands of casualties of aerial bombing of cities, was almost dragged to London to lecture on this issue. This was because there was a growing conviction that Chamberlain's "Peace in Our Time" Munich agreement with Franco's powerful ally, Adolf Hitler, was a farce and that a war in Europe was imminent. And I wouldn't be here had my father, an undergraduate at "the other place", would not have broken off his degree course to enrol on September 3rd 1939 and to serve this country for six years, in the Royal Artillery, the Colonial Service and the Royal Air Force. Thus it was that my parents met at university after the war. My brother Tony and I owe our existence, therefore, to two abominable dictators. 

And of course, without Catalonia's continuing and growing will and drive to achieve our freedom, there would be no Assemblea Nacional Catalana, no Assemblea delegation in England... and no Revival event!

I started by talking about 'Catalonia's will' as if it were monolithic. But Catalonia is a multiethnic society and thus far from monolithic. The population more than doubled during the 20th century because of the arrival of over a million Spaniards, to work in Catalonia's thriving industrial economy. Their children and grandchildren are in most cases indistinguishable from 'native' Catalans in their values, knowledge of languages, habits... So the non-binding referendum planned for November 9 will allow us to measure the overall level of political integration as well. Indeed, most of the million people who moved into Catalonia since about 1995 from the third world will also be able to vote, so long as they register beforehand. 

Being able to see the world from two perspectives, I was relieved to reach the conclusion that the Catalan way of life and the English one are perfectly compatible (despite what Professor Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté has just told us!). Both are nations of shopkeeepers, as Napoleon apparently said ("une nation de boutiquiers"). Both are caring societies (though the way elections sometimes go  makes me wonder how true that is), that value personal initiative and effort. In feudal Cataloinia, laws allowed longstanding farming serfs to become freehold owners of the land they cultivated, and made it worthwhile for them to invest to improve their holdings as tenants. So did the fact that they had to pay fixed quantities of produce to their landlord, which meant the increase in productivity resulting from that investment was theirs to keep. (Castilian law did not envisage change in ownership, and tenants handed in a fixed proportion of their produce). Ironically, the only part of what is now Spain to have weathered well the economic crisis have been the two regions (Navarre and the Basque country) whose funding is agreed with Spain on the Catalan feudal model!

For me, personally, it is moving to have been invited here today, in this revival of the 1956 Jocs Florals, the Catalan poetry competition, held by exiles in the dark days of the Franco regime. Unbeknownst to the organisers, when they invited me, my mother, Amelia Trueta, was the Queen of the Jocs Florals, and dressed as a bride, with bridesmaids. Josepa has just reminded us! They have done a great job with the gallery of photographs of my family, and particularly of my grandfather, professor Josep Trueta. And I'm sure that this tribute is also partly due to his role in founding the organisation that made the 1956 event possible, the still-active Anglo-Catalan Society

For me it is doubly moving to be back in Ox...bridge. It seems like yesterday (well, the day before yesterday!) that I was an undergraduate, cycling from my College to the Departament just like people around me today, eying the groups of young ladies, enjoying the still-warm autumn sun. But in fact it was a long time ago (I was only seven when I accompanied my family to the Cambridge Jocs Florals!). So please, those of you who are young, please take my word for it, and enjoy life to the full, every single day! And nan excellent to do this will be to attend all the sessions of this cultural event: poetry readings, music, round table, even (excellent!) food!


So, back to this Revival, which is not a competiton this time, but a true festival. 
Thanks to the Cambridge Union for having let us use their magnificent premises.
Thanks to all the team that has organised the event, on behalf of those who, like me, have been invited here, and I'm sure, on behalf of all of you here now. 

And on behalf of the organising team, a special note of thanks, in Catalan: 
Volem agrair molt particularment el nostre companya -que ara s'ha convertit en amic!- la gran feinada que ha fet perquè aquests Jocs Florals fossin possibles. Sense la seva dedicació -amb tota l'energia i il·lusió-, des que el projecte ve començar a gestar fa un any, no hauríem aconseguit el cartell que tenim. 

Ell és l'artífex que, en un marc on els catalans i els anglesos sempre hem tingut uns llaços molt estrets com són, en definitiva, la nostra llengua i les nostres arrels, els Jocs Florals que emulen els passats Jocs de 1956, tornin a ser una realitat. Gràcies, Marc Morera!


*  Vegeu article de Matthew Tree: www.elpuntavui.cat/noticia/article/7-vista/8-articles/784329-originals.html

Selection of papers, mostly by M. Strubell, on Catalan independence process):   http://cv.uoc.edu/~grc0_003638_web/150205_Selection.pdf 

9/23/2014

The Right To Decide

"Civic Engagement on the Road to Self-government"

Contribution of Miquel Strubell to Conference on "The Right to Decide in the 21st Century: Scotland, Catalonia and Beyond". 25 September 2014. Conference organised by the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization, the European Free Alliance and the Centre Maurits Coppieters. ...


I am most grateful for this invitation, and for the opportunity to explain to this assembly what for me is a unique, unparalleled process to the road towards national independence. I am pleased to convey to you the best wishes of the president of the grassroots organisation I am representing here today, senyora Carme Forcadell. We are really pleased to be able to speak here, not least because of the bizarre things that have been said about us and the process as a whole. 

Our process is unique on a number of scores:
  • a. It has the utter, complete and evident opposition of the central government. As we shall see, this should come as no surprise, as the general perception in wide segments of Catalan society is that the governing party is anti-Catalan (in Catalonia, it came fifth in the European elections) in both attitude and policies. I shall illustrate this later.
  • b. It is the result of a vast grassroots reaction, across the country, to the feeling of powerlessness and, for many, as a fight for the survival of the Catalans as a people.
  • c. The central government, indeed the power elite as a whole in Madrid, seems to have totally misjudged the whole process. 
Let us move into a short chronicle, or calendar, of events, concentrating on the grassroots level I just referred to.

The Parliament of Catalonia has on several occasions voted Resolutions (such as R 98/III, on December 12 1989) stating that "Catalonia does not relinquish the right to its self-determination". Again, on October 1 1998, a similar Resolution was adopted.

"Catalunya és una nació", Article 1 of the Draft Statute of Autonomy, adopted on September 2005, reminded us. The Preamble was just as clear: "This Statute is moved by the aspiration, the project and the dream of a Catalonia without any kind of obstacle to the free and full interdependence that a nation needs today ("... mouen aquest Estatut l'aspiració, el projecte i el somni d'una Catalunya sense cap mena d'entrebancs a la lliure i plena interdependència que una nació necessita avui
").

However, the Spanish Parliament chopped these texts out of the Statute that it adopted in 2006 and put to the Catalan people. 

The "Right to Decide" first appeared on the scene at the end of 2005. The Plataforma pel Dret de Decidir consists of hundreds of organisations supporting the right of self-determination. Shortly after being established, it brought out into the street, beyond its wildest dreams (with hardly any support from institutions or parties), as many as a million Catalans on February 18 2006, to state clearly "We are a Nation, We Have The Right To Decide". It was a call for the September 30 2005 Draft Statute of Autonomy (which received the support of 89% of the Chamber) not to be maimed by the Spanish Parliament. Its call went unheeded, and first the Congress (in 2006) and then the Constitutional Court (in June 2010) in response to an appeal by the People's Party, severely reduced the planned increase in Catalonia's level of self-government. 

On July 10 2010 a huge demonstration, which had been planned months ahead (given that news leaked from the Constitutional Court made it clear that their judgment would be a serious cutback in the text of the Statute, which had already been sanctioned by the Catalan people in a referendum) filled the centre of Barcelona. It was organised by a cultural organisation, Omnium Cultural, though with the backing of the three-party Government coalition, which headed the demonstration. Over a million people took part in this march, which simply could not move forward for several hours. It was the last "protest" demonstration, and the following three demonstrations were completely differtent: enthusiastic, looking forward with hope, and positive in outlook.

The Pacte Nacional pel Dret de Decidir, the National Pact for the Right to Decide, consists of hundreds of civil, civic, citizen, cultural, economic, trade union, business organisations; local councils; the parliamentary groups that have given support to the right to decide, and the Government. It first met on June 13 2013. Its manifesto has been signed by over 800 organisations.

The most important grassroots initiative, however, linked up with the "Popular Referenda", following the lead of Arenys de Munt, a medium-sized town about 30 km from Barcelona. These unofficial referenda were held over 500 towns across the country (between September 2009 and April 2011), and about a million people (not a few, in tears) expressed their vote for (in most cases) or against Catalonia's independence. It was during this period that the "Assemblea Nacional Catalana" was devised. When after months of gradually widening an initially very small circle of people invited to join the project, the "Assemblea" was launched on April 30 2011, at the "Conferència Nacional per l'Estat Propi", with a view to holding its first general assembly the following year, and with its sights aimed at a "binding referendum that could be held in 2014". ("amb la mirada fixada en un referèndum vinculant que podria celebrar-se el 2014"). 



The Assemblea, whose single aim is to achieve the independence of Catalonia, has built up a network of 600 local assemblies (largely in places that had already held popular referenda), which work closely together thanks to the social networks. It has over 70 sectoral assemblies as well, working to persuade collectives close to themn of the advantages of independence. We now have over 70,000 paid-up members and volunteers. 

The huge pro-independence demonstration organised by the Assemblea on September 11 2012, just a few months after its formal establishment at the first General Assembly, had immediate political consequences.
 

The consequences were an early election, sprung by our First Minister, Artur Mas, who included his coalition's election manifesto a commitment to hold a referendum on independence, if at all possible with the consent of the Spanish govenrment. He was returned to power, with a smaller majority, but quickly reached an agrement with the second most voted party, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, whose party commitment is to work towards independence. Several other parliamentary parties support the vote to be held on November 9 2014, a vote announced (with the question) in December 2013, to the surprise of the Spanish government.

However, the 2012 demonstration was surpassed by the meticulously organised "Catalan Way", a 400 km-long human chain of over a million people, from one end of Catalonia to the other (with incidents at the Valencian end, because the Spanish civil guard turned a blind eye to a last-minute court ruling). It was held on September 11 2013. Most people were dressed in yellow teashirts, specially made by the Assemblea for the occasion. They signed up on an interactive map, which made sure there was not a single break in the chain, even in the relatively sparsely inhabited Ebro delta district. The chain proved possible thanks to 1500 coaches, hundreds of thousands of cars, trains and in Barcelona, on the underground... In Barcelona, as was to be expected, the chain was overwhelmed by an uncountable number of people. The coverage by the international press was excellent, and the Wall Street Journal's top photo of the year was by Raymond Roig. 










On the political front, the Catalan Parliament voted a "Declaration of Sovereignty and the right to Decide of the People of Catalonia" ("Declaració de sobirania i el dret a decidir del poble de Catalunya", 23 January 2013) which was duly judged unconstitutuional (because the Spanish people and "nation" are indivisible) by the Constitutiional Court which, nevertheless, said it was perfectly legitimate for the authorities to ask the Catalan people's opinion on the issue. That is precisely what we are going to do on November 9th, though the Spanish government is adamant that even the law governing non-binding referenda ("consultes" in Catalan) is unconstitutional, in a desperate effort to block the vote. 

The "V for will (voluntat), voting and victory" demonstration in Barcelona on September 11 2014, organised by the Catalan National Assembly and Òmnium Cultural. Well over a million people. We formed two Vs, totalling over 11 km in length, and with the nine stripes of the Catalan flag running down the middle of both avenues. We all wore either red or yellow teashirts. There were long queues at each organisation HQ to buy the shirts.

http://www.tv3.cat/videos/5237271/El-millor-de-la-Via-Catalana-2014" (1'56")

The activities of the Assemblea are wholly, and solely, funded by the members' fees and by merchandising (such as teashirts) and services such as the coaches to attend the demonstrations. Nevertheless, time and again most of the Madrid media accuse us of living off Catalan government grants. 


The current efforts are concentrated "Ara És l'Hora!" (Now is the time!) campaign for the November 9th Yes vote. It is a joint venture of Omnium Cultural and the Assemblea Nacional Catalana. A hundred thousand volunteers are being sought to go door-by-door, in the lead-up to the vote, to see what the population of Catalonia wants as a future for our country, and hopefully to share their vision. 



We are in the eye of the hurricane. The Assemblea has come to be seen as the essential element of the process, the bottom-up initiative and pressure. As such, a nationalist organisation has called for us to be outlawed and our chair person imprisoned. Our membership lists were stolen by a hacker in April. The published minutes of our Secretariat have been scrutinised in search of statements with which to accuse of of illegal activities. And a highly sophisticated and expensive operation neutralised most of the mobile phones of the Assemblea secretariat and others such as me, from September 10th to 12th. Both cases are in the hands of the police. The Catalan police.  

I will not go into a legal discussion of the right to decide, or the flimsy legal grounds that the Spanish government has to try and block our November 9th vote (as already announced, without yet having seen the text of the decree!). Catalan-readers may be interested to hear the views of professor Mercè Barceló (UAB), spokesperson of a group of legal specialists known as Col·lectiu Praga. http://www.ihmarti.cat/2014/02/conversa-amb-merce-barcelo-catedratica.html

And as to opponents of the November 9 vote, here is the shocking, very recent opinion of a Spanish political leader, Rosa Díez MP:

http://player.vimeo.com/video/106815543

Finally, here are two videos. The first is one of the many video productions the Assemblea has made in the last couple of years, aimed at inviting the Catalan people to vote on November 9th (this one is in English):



The second, "Votarem!" (We'll vote!) was made by the "Ateneu Popular La Pioixa", a small organisation run by the young people of Bordils, a village of just 1,700 inhabitants. Let's hope versions subtitled in other languages can be made!

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h6b7hx1i0og






In conclusion, I call on the members of this Parliament to closely monitor events in Catalonia and Spain. The situation is politically tense, and the SPanish government totally entrenched in its opposition to the Catalans' even exercising their universal right, the freedom of speech. I am sure you have many, many others issues on hand, but the Catalan issue is one of democracy, that ties into the values the defence of which you have been elected to defend and uphold. 


Thank you.


Selection of papers, mostly by M. Strubell, on Catalan independence process). http://cv.uoc.edu/~grc0_003638_web/150205_Selection.pdf 

5/22/2014

L'estelada més gran del món!

M'informa la Carmina:

El proper 31 de Maig es afarà a Londres l'Estelada humana més gran de fora de Catalunya fins ara.

Us agrairia que en féssiu ressò a les xarxes i si podeu distribuir la nota de premsa a tots els contactes de premsa que tenim a part dels anglesos, seria molt important! 


3/19/2014

Girauta

M'ha posat molt nerviós el Sr. Juan Carlos Girauta al 8 al dia d'avui. Simplement no vol llegir. Segurament pensa més en les properes eleccions al Parlament Europeu...

1/09/2014

Conferència de Martí Anglada

La mirada europea sobre el procés independentista català
conferència de Martí Anglada
Barcelona, 29 de gener

(clica a sota per a vídeo i cartell)

12/04/2013

L'Opinió de La Haia sobre Kosovo, i el jutge Santiago Vidal

A tort i dret s'ha reproduït una intervenció del jutge Santi Vidal en què es dóna a entendre que llegeix verbatim (traduïdes) dues frases de l'Opinió del Tribunal Internacional de Justícia de La Haia sobre la independència de Kosovo.

Ho va penjar a youtube el 28 de gener de 2013 l'ANC d'Alcover (crec, però, que l'acte es va fer a Barcelona). http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ExSk9aFYQZw. L'equívoc va venir per culpa del comentari a sota del vídeo, que deia literalment: 


Data de publicació: 28/01/2013
 
Santiago Vidal, magistrat de l'Audiència de Barcelona, citant la sentència del tribunal internacional de justícia de La Haya sobre la independència de Kosovo que, entre d'altres coses, diu: "Quan hi ha contradicció entre la legalitat constitucional d'un estat i la voluntat democràtica preval aquesta segona".

El link d'aquesta sentència de l'Haya és el següent: http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/141/16010.pdf
I el link del resum de premsa d'aquesta mateixa resolució: http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/141/16012.pdf

De fet però, la font que llegia el jutge Vidal era l'excel·lent Anàlisi jurídica que va fer, sobre el dret d'autodeterminació, la Comissió de Defensa dels Drets de la Persona de l'Il·lustre Col·legi d'Advocats de Barcelona, publicat molt pocs dies abans de la taula rodona. http://acddh.cat/2013/01/analisi-juridic-de-la-comissio-de-defensa-dels-drets-de-la-persona-de-lil%C2%B7lustre-col%C2%B7legi-dadovocats-de-barcelona-sobre-el-dret-dautodeterminacio/

El text de sota el vídeo ha fet molt de mal, perquè era notòriament incorrecte i per tant afebleix innecessàriament la nostra posició. Tot i així, el mal no es podrà reparar perquè per culpa del comentari, es va escampar per la xarxa com una epidèmia. Amb Google, la frase "Quan hi ha contradicció entre la legalitat constitucional d'un estat i la voluntat democràtica preval aquesta segona" apareix 38.000 (trenta-vuit mil), quasi SEMPRE en relació a l'esmentada taula rodona.

També haig de dir que l'ANC d'Alcover han estat molt ràpids a rectificar el text, que ara reflecteix molt bé el sentit de la intervenció del jutge Vidal d'aquell dia. Gràcies, companys!

Faig una crida doncs, a tothom que ho tingui al seu web o blog, a rectificar aquesta errònia atribució. 


I també a tothom, perquè faci córrer aquesta correcció! Gràcies per endavant!

11/30/2013

Signa Un Vot - programa de ràdio


"Fent Via", a "Ràdio La Mina"

Tertúlia amb Miquel Strubell, Rosa Alentorn (coordinadora de la campanya "Signa un Vot" de l'ANC) i David de Montserrat, coautor del llibre "Lliures i morts".

Presenta: Xènia Xerrat 
Redacció: Núria Orriols @nuriaorriolsc
Producció i Direcció: Antoni Jaume Morell
Programa radiofònic produït per "Ràdio La Mina" i distribuït per la "Xarxa Comunicació Local" a les emissores locals de Catalunya.

La Rosa i el Miquel entren en antena a partir del minut 22:00.


11/24/2013

ANC - DECLARACIÓ DE NOVEMBRE / NOVEMBER DECLARATION



El Secretariat Nacional de l’Assemblea Nacional Catalana, reunit en sessió ordinària el dia 16 de novembre de 2013, a Barcelona, tenint en compte els moments transcendents que s’hauran d’afrontar en el futur immediat, ha aprovat el seu posicionament,  que vol fer públic amb aquesta

The National Secretariat of the Catalan National Assembly, meeting in regular session on November 16, 2013 in Barcelona, ​​and considering the momentous issues that will have to be dealt with in the immediate future, has adopted its position, and makes it public by means of this

DECLARACIÓ DE NOVEMBRE

NOVEMBER  DECLARATION

PREÀMBUL
L'Assemblea Nacional Catalana és una organització popular, unitària, plural i democràtica, fonamentada en la democràcia de base i en la unitat d'acció, i integrada per persones que volem que Catalunya esdevingui un estat independent.
PREAMBLE
The National Assembly Catalan is a popular, unitary, plural and democratic organization, based on grassroots democracy and unity of action, and composed of people who want Catalonia to become an independent state.
L'11 de setembre de 2012, l’Assemblea Nacional Catalana va demostrar la capacitat de mobilització del poble català. I ho va fer amb una gran manifestació que va reunir més d'un milió i mig de persones als carrers de Barcelona. L'11 de setembre de 2013 hem tornat a demostrar no només capacitat de mobilització, sinó també d'organització, en repartir-nos ordenadament dos milions de persones al llarg del país, tot formant una cadena de més de 400 quilòmetres.
On 11 September 2012, the Catalan National Assembly demonstrated the Catalan people’s ability to mobilize. And it did so with a huge demonstration that gathered more than one million and a half people in the streets of Barcelona. On 11 September 2013, we again demonstrated the ability not just to mobilize but to also organize, by spreading two million people across the country in an orderly way, to form a chain over 400 km long.
Aquestes multitudinàries mobilitzacions populars, i l'immens impacte que han aconseguit als mitjans de comunicació d’arreu del món, han posat la independència de Catalunya en el centre del debat polític i han col·locat la qüestió catalana damunt de la taula de les principals cancelleries del món.
These massive popular demonstrations, and the enormous impact they achieved in the media around the world, have put the independence of Catalonia in the centre of the political debate and have placed the Catalan issue on the tables of the world’s main foreign ministries.
El resultat de les eleccions del 25 de novembre de 2012 i tots els estudis demoscòpics solvents acrediten l’ampli suport de la ciutadania de Catalunya a l’exercici del dret a decidir. Però encara més, la voluntat de constituir Catalunya com a un nou estat independent ja és l’opció majoritària entre la ciutadania catalana.
The result of the 25 November 2012 elections and all solvent public opinion surveys attest to the ample support of the citizens of Catalonia for exercising the right of self-determination. Moreover, the desire for Catalonia to become a new independent state is the Catalan citizen’s majority option.
Ni el fracàs de l’Estatut de 2005-2006 ni la crisi econòmica són elements suficients per explicar per què hem arribat a aquesta situació. Com molts altres països d’Europa, vivim una crisi de valors polítics tradicionals i de model de societat. En el nostre cas, això es complementa amb la reivindicació nacional catalana, mai resolta per l’Estat espanyol; un estat amb preocupants dèficits democràtics i amb una incapacitat històrica de repensar-se ell mateix en clau plurinacional.
Neither the failure of the 2005-2006 Statute nor the economic crisis suffice, in themselves, to explain why we have reached this situation. Like many other European countries, we are living through a crisis of traditional political values ​​and of the social model. In our case, this is complemented by Catalonia’s national demand, unresolved by Spain, a state with alarming democratic deficits and a historic inability to reinvent itself as a multinational polity.
És a dir, vivim una situació de triple crisi: econòmico-social, democràtica i nacional.
In other words, we are living through three crises: economic-social, democratic and national.
La societat catalana, sense els mecanismes de poder que defineixen un estat, ha hagut de trobar altres camins per al seu progrés i la seva organització. Paradoxalment, això li ha conferit una solidesa excepcional. Només això explica que, històricament i en l'actualitat, Catalunya hagi pogut afrontar amb èxit reptes com la integració de successives onades migratòries, preservant la convivència i la cohesió social, o bé com la defensa dels més desafavorits, gràcies a la creació de xarxes socials de suport.
Catalan society, without the power mechanisms that define a state, has had to find other ways to progress and to organize itself. Paradoxically, this has given it a unique robustness. This alone explains why, historically and currently, Catalonia has been able to successfully cope with challenges such as the integration of successive waves of immigration, preserving social harmony and cohesion, and defending the underprivileged, through social networks providing support.
El poble català ha pres consciència que per lluitar contra la triple crisi que pateix li calen vertaderes eines d’estat.
The Catalan people have realized that to fight against the triple crisis real tools of state are needed.
L’autonomia que suposadament garanteix la Constitució espanyola de 1978 és un frau. Catalunya no és reconeguda com a nació, ni l’autonomia assolida li és respectada. L’ofec econòmic sistemàtic a la Generalitat, així com la recentralització i l'atac deliberat del nacionalisme espanyol contra la llengua i la cultura dels Països Catalans, és una mostra evident que l’encaix dins de l’Estat espanyol només és possible si estem disposats a desaparèixer com a nació i com a poble
The autonomy supposedly guaranteed by the 1978 Spanish Constitution is a bluff. Catalonia is not recognized as a nation, nor is the level of home rule it has achieved respected. The systematic economic throttling of the Catalan government, as well as re-centralization and Spanish nationalism’s deliberate attack against the language and culture of the Catalan-speaking lands, are clear examples that Catalonia will only fit in Spain if we are willing to disappear as a nation and as a people.

L'objectiu de l'Assemblea Nacional Catalana és recuperar la independència política de Catalunya, mitjançant la constitució d'un estat de dret, democràtic i social. L’Assemblea Nacional Catalana ha canalitzat la força de la societat civil, que empeny cap a un horitzó nacional nou i esperançador que ens permeti construir un país millor.
The aim of the Catalan National Assembly is the recovery of Catalonia’s political independence through the establishment of a democratic and social State where the rule of law prevails. The National Assembly has channelled the energy of Catalan civil society that is pushing towards a new, promising national horizon that will allows us to build a better country.
Volem un Estat català perquè, com a poble que som, hi tenim dret. Però, sobretot, el volem perquè l'entenem com una oportunitat per construir un marc propi de relacions socials, econòmiques i polítiques. Un estat al servei de les persones on els ciutadans siguin el centre de les seves polítiques públiques.
We want a Catalan state because, as a people, we have a right to one. But above all, we want it because we regard it as an opportunity to build our own framework of social, economic and political relations, a State at the people’s service, in which the citizens will be at the centre of public policies.
Som en un món cada cop més interdependent, però on cap estat renuncia a la seva independència. En aquest món, els catalans volem participar amb veu pròpia en la construcció europea, perquè creiem en la diversitat, la llibertat i la igualtat de les persones i dels pobles. Altrament, Catalunya té totes les condicions per esdevenir un estat perfectament viable i pròsper en termes econòmics. I aspira legítimament a compartir les transformacions que Europa haurà d’afrontar per resoldre la comuna crisi estructural i de valors actual, que és profunda i preocupant. Res d’això és possible si som una simple regió espanyola.
We live in an increasingly interdependent world, but where no state waives its own independence. In this world, the Catalans want to take part with our own voice in building Europe, because we believe in diversity, freedom and in the equality of individuals and peoples. Moreover, Catalonia fulfils all the conditions to be able to become a perfectly viable and prosperous state in economic terms, and legitimately aspires to share the changes that Europe must face to overcome the current common crisis of structures and values, which is deep and disturbing. None of this is possible if we are simply a Spanish region.
Les forces polítiques han d’aparcar els tacticismes partidistes i han de pensar en el bé comú. Per això, cal que actuïn amb la màxima unitat possible per encarar amb força l'etapa definitiva del procés d'independència. La unitat es pot expressar, segons les circumstàncies, configurant un govern d’àmplia unitat, en forma d’amplis acords parlamentaris, de llistes unitàries d’ampli espectre, o bé compartint punts programàtics relatius al futur polític de Catalunya. En tot cas, i en darrera instància, correspon als partits polítics i al seu sentit de la responsabilitat concretar, de la millor forma possible, com s’ha d’expressar la unitat que considerem que en aquests moments reclama la ciutadania.
Catalonia’s political forces need to put aside their partisan tactics and think about the common good. This is why they need to work with the greatest possible unity to firmly face the final stage of the process to independence. Unity can be expressed, depending on the circumstances, by forming a broad unity government, by means of wide-ranging parliamentary agreements, by means of broad united election lists, or by sharing programmatic positions regarding Catalonia’s political future. In any event and in the last analysis, it is up to the political parties and their sense of responsibility to specify, in the most appropriate way, how to express the unity which we believe citizens currently call for.
Sabem d’on venim i on volem anar, però cal dir també com podem arribar-hi. Per això, en el moment actual del debat polític, l’Assemblea Nacional Catalana creu necessari assenyalar uns punts que considera irrenunciables.
We know where we come from and where we are going, but we must also say how we can get there. This is why, at the present stage in the political debate, the Catalan National Assembly considers it is necessary to underline a number of points it feels are inalienable.
Som davant d’un debat estrictament polític, sense limitacions jurídiques. En democràcia, només al poble de Catalunya li correspon decidir sobre el seu futur polític. En aquest sentit, la celebració d’una consulta sobre la independència del nostre país és un objectiu irrenunciable que no pot ser objecte de retards ni d’abaratiments.
We are facing a strictly political debate, with no legal constraints. In democracy, it is only up to the people of Catalonia to decide on its political future. In this regard, holding a referendum on the independence of our country is an essential objective that cannot be subject to delays or watering-down
Per tot això, el Secretariat Nacional de l’Assemblea Nacional Catalana fa pública aquesta
PRESA DE POSICIÓ:
For all these reasons, the National Secretariat of the Catalan National Assembly make public its
POSITION:
1. La celebració d’una consulta sobre el futur polític de Catalunya durant l’any 2014 és irrenunciable.
1. A referendum on the political future of Catalonia must of necessity be held in 2014.
2. La consulta ha de tenir lloc al més aviat possible, preferentment abans del 31 de maig de 2014, i s’ha de convocar en el moment que es concreti el marc legal aplicable.
2. The referendum must take place as soon as possible, preferably before 31 May 2014, and must be convened as soon as the applicable legal framework has been defined.
3. La petició del Parlament de Catalunya al Congrés dels Diputats de poder organitzar la consulta no pot servir d’excusa per demorar-la. El Parlament ha de fixar una data límit per rebre’n resposta. Passada aquesta data cal aplicar la Declaració de Sobirania i del Dret a Decidir del poble de Catalunya, aprovada pel Parlament el 23 de gener d’enguany i convocar la consulta d’acord amb la legislació catalana.
3. The request addressed by the Parliament of Catalonia to the Spanish Congress of Deputies to be able to organise the referendum must not be used as an excuse for delaying it. Parliament should fix a deadline to receive a reply. After this date, the Declaration of Sovereignty and the Right to Decide of the People of Catalonia, adopted by Parliament on 23 January this year, should be applied and the referendum convened under Catalan law.
4. La consulta ha de tenir una sola pregunta, directa i clara, que s’ha de poder respondre de forma afirmativa o negativa, i ha de preguntar explícitament sobre la independència de Catalunya. Qualsevol altra possibilitat seria un frau, ja que el resultat no seria determinant i podria no ser reconegut per la comunitat internacional. En aquest sentit, l'Assemblea Nacional Catalana proposa la següent pregunta: “Vol que Catalunya sigui un Estat independent?”
4. The referendum has to be a single, direct and clear question, to which an affirmative or negative answer can be given, and has to specifically ask about the independence of Catalonia. Any other possibility would be a fraud, because the result would not be decisive and might not be recognized by the international community. To this end, the Catalan National Assembly proposes the following question: "Do you want Catalonia to be an independent state?"
5. Per encarar l'actual etapa amb garanties d'èxit és imprescindible la màxima unitat d'acció entre les institucions catalanes, la societat civil i els partits polítics. Les forces polítiques catalanes han d’actuar amb el màxim sentit de la responsabilitat i amb unitat, perquè així ho reclama una gran majoria de la ciutadania, i posant els interessos col·lectius per davant dels interessos de partit. La unitat d’acció política ha de fer-se visible amb acords parlamentaris amplis i permanents i, quan calgui, amb la formació d’un govern de concentració nacional. La unitat serà la millor eina davant dels intents permanents dels aparells de l’Estat espanyol de torpedinar el procés i per defensar les institucions en cas de dissolució o intervenció de la Generalitat.
5. To address the current phase successfully the greatest unity of action between the Catalan institutions, civil society and political parties is essential. Catalan political forces must act with the utmost sense of responsibility and with unity, for this is what the vast majority of citizens call for, and putting collective interests ahead of party interests. The unity of political action must be visible through permanent and broad parliamentary agreements and, where appropriate, with the formation of a government of national concentration. Unity is the best tool in the face of the constant attempts of the Spanish state apparatus to undermine the process, and to defend our institutions should the Catalan government be dissolved or intervened.
6. Les eleccions europees del 25 de maig de 2014 seran un repte i una oportunitat per a Catalunya. Caldrà mobilitzar-se per assolir una participació tan alta com sigui possible, perquè la nostra determinació nacional serà observada i valorada pels països europeus en funció dels vots obtinguts per les candidatures favorables a la consulta i a la independència. L’Assemblea Nacional Catalana crida, doncs, a treballar des d’ara per fer possible una candidatura d’ampli espectre sociopolític, que pugui tenir el suport del màxim nombre de forces polítiques i de moviments populars.
6. The May 25 2014 European elections will be a challenge and an opportunity for Catalonia. Mobilization will be needed to achieve as high a level of participation as possible, because our national determination will be observed and evaluated by European countries as a function of the votes obtained by the candidates supporting the referendum and independence. The Catalan National Assembly thus makes a call for to work from this moment on, to build a list with a broad socio-political base, which can have the support of as many political parties and popular movements as possible.
7. L’Assemblea Nacional Catalana seguirà amb atenció l’evolució de la situació i, si cal, convocarà noves mobilitzacions per garantir el dret democràtic de la ciutadania a ser consultada de forma clara sobre el futur de Catalunya i per defensar les nostres institucions nacionals.
Barcelona, 23 de novembre de 2013

7. The Catalan National Assembly will closely monitor developments and will call, if need be, for new demonstrations to ensure the democratic right of citizens to be clearly asked about the future of Catalonia and to defend our national institutions.
Barcelona, ​​November 23, 2013

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