Dies des del Referèndum de l'u d'octubre de 2017

Fes una piulada

Cercar en aquest blog

StatCounter

Es mostren els missatges amb l'etiqueta de comentaris independence. Mostrar tots els missatges
Es mostren els missatges amb l'etiqueta de comentaris independence. Mostrar tots els missatges

2/20/2016

Objectivity

Journalists often come to Catalonia from abroad to write chronicles or film documentaries on what since about 2011 is called "the process", the political initiative driven by the non-partisan grassroots movement that has held breaking news rallies and other events for independence, and hundreds of local, unofficial referenda on the issue.

Literally hundreds of books have been written on the subject, most of which by specialists in the field of Economics,  Political Science, Journalism, European affairs..  And the list goes on. My personal estimation is that at least 80% allow the reader to reach the conclusion that for Catalonia independence is not only possible but also essential, if the Catalan people want to continue existing into the foreseeable future.

Reputable journalists naturals seek to offer a "balanced" view of the issues at hand. They have a duty to do so. And to the extent that they allow the different parties (or sides) to express their views, they can claim to present an "objective" outcome.

However, when (some of) those views, expressed with a straight face, are based on fallacies or myths, often uncritically repeated in the media, then what is questionable is the "objectivity" of the sources, or rather, of the claims being made. Often we find that such purported "facts" have been torn to shreds by the opposing party. Let me give two examples. Citizenship and pensions.

In the run-up to the September elections in Catalonia (which some hoped would be regarded by all the electorate as a plebiscite on independence, given Spain's refusal to authorized one) the fear-mongering Unionist side had around that in an independent Catalonia, not recognised by the international community, Catalans would lose their condition and privileges as EU citizens. As has been pointed out a couple of years earlier (and ignored by the Unionists) the Spanish constitution - which they brandish as if it were the home bible - clearly states that Spanish citizens cannot be forcibly deprived of their nationality. Spanish Prime Minister Rajoy in a prime time interview was bowled over when confronted with this fact.

On the pensions issue, for years now the Unionist discourse has claimed that in an independent Catalonia people would no longer receive their pension. This again was denied at the last minute (in the face of overwhelmed evidence the contrary) by Rajoy just a few days before the election. The truth is Spain is duty-bound to continue paying pensions wherever the pensioners live, and whether or nit they acquire citizenship of another country.

Do all foreign journalists have the background knowledge to ensure that claims such as these, which do not have objective backing, are duly exposed by supporters from the opposing camp?

Or, for that matter, do all foreign journalists know how and by whom the organisations defending (quite legitimately!) opposing views on the Catalans (including the camp that deies the very existence of the Catalan people, and therefore any collective right at all) are funded? This is not a lesser matter.

The list could go on. All I ask of these journalists, whose presence and interest in Catalonia are of course very welcome, is not to accept at face value many "facts" which do not stand up to scrutiny and cannot therefore be treated as "objective".

In the end, the "process" needs not only to be democratic. It is about democracy itself, and about the well-informed electorate that is essential for it to work!

11/14/2014

Catalan independence and our cyberwar

There are increasing calls around the world for the Catalans to be able to hold a binding referendum on independence. Newspaper articles editorials are perfectly clear about this. Here is a short sample


         *** CLICK ON "Més informació" BELOW FOR THE TEXT OF THE POST ***

9/27/2014

How to try and stop the independence process for a few months

How long does it take to read a text (the Catalan government's decree, announced on Saturday September 27, 10.30 am), call a cabinet meeting to ask the Council of State ...

12/04/2013

Preguntes parlamentàries a la Comissió Europea sobre la secessió

Hi ha hagut, en els darrers deu anys i sobretot en els darrers mesos, diverses preguntes parlamentàries sobre la posició de la Comissió europea en cas d'una ampliació interna (la secessió de part d'un actual Estat membre). Els Tractats no en parlen i per tant el valor de les respostes és relatiu. Més aviat (i això és una apreciació meva) responen a la pressió dels Estats actuals sobre la Comissió (els portaveus dels quals han fet múltiples declaracions contràries entre ells i entre elles mateixes). Després de dir "The European Commission would express its opinion on the legal consequences under EC law upon request from a Member State detailing a precise scenario", però després, al meu entendre, fa intervencions que interfereixen descaradament en la política interna dels Estats membres, demanant un "No". Cap eurodiputat fins ara, que sàpiga, ha exposat aquest tema de la interferència davant del Parlament.
Si se m'ha escapat cap pregunta (i resposta) més sobre aquesta temàtica, m'ho podeu fer saber, amb un comentari? Gràcies!


Per continuar, clica a "Més informació" a sota, o aquí


9/26/2013

Letter from "Your Europe Advice" on EU citizenship in an independent Catalonia

Letter from Your Europe Advice

Dear Sir/Madam, 

Please find below the reply to your enquiry. Please note that the advice given by Your Europe Advice is an independent advice and cannot be considered to be the opinion of the European Commission, of any other EU institution or its staff nor will this advice be binding upon the European Commission, any other EU or national institution. 

Your original enquiry was:


As a UK citizen líving in Spain (over 30 years) I'm wondering whether the residence status of my fellow citizens would change should Catalonia (where I reside) become independent. 


Reply from Your Europe Advice

Dear Sir, 

Thank you for getting in touch with Your Europe Advice. 

Your question relates to what status under EU law would an independent Catalunia acquire. 

Would it be outside the EU, or would it be inside the EU. 

Legal opinion is divided at the moment. 

The same issues concern Scotland and potentially other regions in Europe (Flanders?). 

The E.U. may be seen as a guarantor of economic stability, but can portions of member states secede within the E.U. framework? The simple answer is yes. Formally, states are sovereign, and it is legally possible for substate regions to secede. The E.U. institutional apparatus does not recognize the possibility of secession, but it does not legally preclude it. 

Seceding states, however, do not automatically enjoy treaty rights. It is the predecessor state that retains existing rights and memberships. To be admitted to the E.U., a nation must receive unanimous support among member states and be approved by a vote in the European Parliament. Could the seceding states win admission? More to the point, would the rump Spanish State seriously consider vetoing the admission of Catalonia into the EU fold? 

If such a case were to arise, the residence status of your fellow citizens (we assume you mean UK citizens?) would be that they would be residing in a third country. 

The European treaties provide that the status of E.U. citizenship is afforded to "every person holding the nationality of a member state" albeit that "citizenship of the union shall be additional to and not replace national citizenship." In the case of Ruiz Zambrano, the Court of Justice of the European Union said that national measures cannot deprive E.U. citizens of the "genuine enjoyment of the substance of the rights conferred by virtue of their status as citizens of the union." 

If Catalonia's independence cannot deprive its heretofore British national residents of their E.U. citizenship rights, then it makes political and legal sense for an independent Catalonia to be recognized as an E.U. member state. 

The question you raise is entirely hypothetical, but we hope this has clarified some of the questions you had. 

We hope this answers your query. 

We remain at your disposal, should you require further information. 

Your truly, 


Your Europe Advice. 

1/28/2013

Open reply to pepón


Dear friends,
I sent a reply to a post by someone who calls him or herself "pepón" who made a number of affirmation in the discussion following an editorial by Prof. Joseph Wieler published in the European Journal of International Law
Unfortunately the editors have suddenly decided to close the debate, a few hours after I sent them the following response, which has not been published:

"I would like to respond to Pepón, yet another anonymous contributor enthusiastically defending the Spanish Unionist cause.
"(i) He claims that ‘“Putos espanyols (lladres)” has become a standard comment in Catalonia’. Well, I live in Barcelona and I’ve never heard that expression in the mouth of any God.-fearing Catalan myself. But maybe I’m deaf. Let’s look it up using Google. Holy Mary! He’s right: See http://www.racocatala.cat/forums/fil/124881/si-si-si-4-equips-valencians-1era-divisio. However, just one small point. That’s the one and only time the expression can be found on the whole of the Internet, so it’s hardly a “standard comment”. Moreover it was not uttered by a Catalan, but by a supporter of a Valencian football club, Ontinyent, who identifies himself (or herself) using a Basque name (sic), Beti aizkolari. He wrote this over two years ago, 21 June 2010, after his team “was robbed” of victory by a Madrid side. I think, Pepón, we can rightfully demand that you withdraw your accusation.
"(ii) He or she tries to substantiate the claim that ‘all the Catalan “intellectuals” treat Castilians and Andalusians *literally* as an inferior species’ by referring us to a venerable gentleman, Pompeu Gener who died no less than 93 years ago.
"(iii) Moreover, he or she adds insult to injury when he or she claims that “there was some persecution on the first few years and that you had to learn in Castilian at school, but it is also true that Catalan language had never before been so productive as under Franco”. How dare he dismiss not only the first-hand experience of a multitude of Catalans, but also the thorough academic achievements of, among many others, Josep Benet (1920-2008), Catalunya sota el règim franquista. Informe sobre la persecució de la llengua i la cultura de Catalunya pel règim del general Franco (1973) and L'intent franquista de genocidi cultural contra Catalunya (1995) and Francesc Ferrer (1935-2006): La persecució política de la llengua catalana (1985) and Catalanofòbia, Història del pensament anticatalà (2000)?
"These sources and many others are referred to in an issue of the Cercle 21 bulletin, which shows clearly that Pepón’s discourse joins that of a long succession of negationists even including, unfortunately, the author of a speech on the history of the Spanish language given by the Spanish King in 2001. See http://www.cercle21.cat/butlleti/03/index.html
"The Franco regime repression formed part of a strategy which has lasted for centuries which has never been as crudely put as by Ángel Ossorio y Gallardo, who wrote “La Guerra de España y los católicos” in 1942: “Los ocupantes del Poder español nada odian tanto como Cataluña. Si pudieran pulverizarla, la pulverizarían. Engrandecerla, de ninguna manera. Por si acaso” (The occupiers of Spanish power hate nothing as much as Catalonia. If they could pulverise her, they would. Certainly not enlarge  her. Just in case.)
"(iv) Pepón has no qualms about recommending this source, and I too would invite readers to refer to it and to reach their conclusions as regards the academic and intellectual status of the posts and links therein. I will certainly not be the one to suggest that this website is little more than neofascist, anti-Catalan propaganda. Certainly not." 

See also earlier posts of mine in this debate: 

1/24/2013

Associated Press in Madrid: How to distort what Catalans want

How can the Associated Press's Madrid office possibly claim that "Polls show that Catalonians (sic) are evenly divided over independence" when YAYs are over 56% and NAYs barely reach 20% according to the latest relibble source, and YAYs have been at least 20 points ahead for several years? http://bigstory.ap.org/article/catalonia-declares-itself-sovereign-entity

This falsehood is appearing in media throughout the world! It has been disseminated by 


The truth is to be found in many places, such as here:

http://ceo.gencat.cat/ceop/AppJava/pages/estudis/categories/fitxaEstudi.html?colId=4308&lastTitle=Bar%F2metre+d%27Opini%F3+Pol%EDtica+%28BOP%29.+3a+onada+2012

This survey has n=2500! The margin of error is thus very small indeed (+/- 2·0%)

More specifically, the tables are here: http://ceo.gencat.cat/ceop/AppJava/loadFile?fileId=21132&fileType=1 on page 26. 


39. I més concretament, si demà es fes un referèndum per decidir la independència de Catalunya, vostè què faria?



(More specifically, if a referendum were to be held tomorrow to decide on the independence of Catalonia, what you you do? 

Votaria a favor de la independència           1425     57,0% (I'd vote in favour of independence)
Votaria en contra de la independència        512     20,5% (I'd vote against independence)
S'abstindria / no aniria a votar                    357     14,3% (I'd abstain / I wouldn't go to vote)Altres respostes                                        15       0,6% (Other replies)No ho sap                                               154       6,2% (I don't know)No contesta                                              38       1,5% (No reply)
See report on this latest official survey: http://www.catalannewsagency.com/news/politics/support-catalonia’s-independence-grows-and-polls-say-pro-independence-parties-would-wi  

1/22/2013

Catalan-bashing

Thank you, Nico Krisch (Hertie School of Governance, Berlin & IBEI, Barcelona) for your clear statement in response to Joseph Weiler's recent harangue against Catalonia's independence process. 

I have added my own short comment, which I reprint here (having corrected some typos!):

Vitoria concedes graciously that it is “always possible to look for historical, political or sociological reasons to justify” an independence process such as the Catalan one, as if there were other ways of justifying them. Such processes do not take place in a vacuum. People in an advanced society such as Catalonia do not just go mad and follow the nearest wild-eyed caudillo they bump into.

On the contrary, Catalans are a “nation of shopkeepers”, as pragmatic and down-to-earth as they come. What is going on in Catalonia has been coming slowly to the boil over decades. In the context of an undoubtedly increasing centralist sentiment in most of the rest of Spain, Catalan federalists (and make no mistake, federalism in Spain was born 150 years ago… in Catalonia!) has run out of support – and steam -, even at home, in the face of repeated displays of centripetalism and lack of loyalty and respect for the Catalans. There is a widespread feeling that Catalonia has just one big, huge, vast problem, and that is Spain.

Moreover, and significantly, most Catalans have stopped believing any promise, any hint of searching for solutions, from Madrid (a truly beautiful city nevertheless!). Witness to this has been the utter failure by anyone there to do anything about the 2010 constitutional court ruling, or to reach out to the 1·5 million Catalans that chanted “Independence!” in the largest demonstration in Western Europe since the end of WW2 and say “Hey! What’s up? Let’s sit down and find a solution".

Instead they’ve even threatened to stop sending organs to Catalonia for transplants. Literally. In any other civilised country that gentleman would have been sacked on the spot. Catalan-bashing has long been a fruitful pastime, bolstered by negative stereotypes fostered in the 17th century, during the war that allowed the Portuguese to regain their sovereignty. 

Many Catalans clamour for that same aim, with the voting card as their only weapon.And by the looks of things, the Spanish government will continue to do all it can to prevent that happening.

10/02/2012

I recommend you read Jeremy Smith's post on Catalonia

I recommend you read Jeremy Smith's post "Pain in Spain, and the Catalan Cortes Zone" (1st October 2012), http://www.refractions.org/post/32710903100/pain-in-spain-and-the-catalan-cortes-zone

As his weblog has - quite legitimately - no space for comments, allow me to reply here, to beg to difer from several of his remarks.

As to the Constitutional Court judgment you rightly describe as "highly controversial", it is the Preamble as a whole that is devoid of any legal effect, which is why the Court didn't slash out any particular part of the text.

However, it was not that particular issue that brought out into the streets of central Barcelona over a million people on July 10 2010, but rather the rest of the judgment.  

Moreover, that particular, historic demonstration pailed before the scale and message of the September 11th demonstration this year,  which brought together up to 1,649,800 people according to one source, and 1·5 million according to the local authorities, a figure accepted by most of the international press. The know-how of the organisers, the grass-roots Assemblea Nacional Catalana, which is totally self-funding (and of which I am proud to be a founding member), was sufficient for all predictions to fall well short of what exactly happened.  The spectacular event was photographed for posterity by Lluís Brunet.

There was another big difference between the two:  the first was to put up a strong face as a reaction to the long overdue Constitutionasl Court judgment. The second one was for "Catalonia, a new State in Europe", and it was perfectly clear in the mind of every single person that attended or supported it, that the independence of Catalonia was its goal.

The headlines of La Vanguardia (which, as you know, is Barcelona-based and one of the most prestigious newspapers in Spain), read as  follows on June 26th, that is, over two months before the latest preo-independence demonstration: 

El 51,1% de los catalanes votaría 'sí' a la independencia en un referéndum. El dato supone 8,2 puntos más que hace un año, el 21,1% votaría en contra -7,1 puntos menos-, otro 21,1% no iría a votar y los indecisos representarían el 4,7% (51·1% of Catalans would vote "yes" to independence in a referendum. This figure is up 8·2 percentage points on last year. 21·1% would vote against - 7·1 fewer percentage points -, another 21·1% would not go to vote, and 4·7% have not made up their mind)

Never, in the run-up to the (successful) Montenegro referendum did surveys come anywhere near these figures.

What is remarkable about Catalonia right now, and since September 11th, is people's collective self-confidence. Is there anywhere else in Europe whose hopes for the future are higher, whose enthusiasm is greater? 

Finally, you claim that Catalonia would have to apply for EU membership. You clearly tow the Madrid line here. So in response I am glad to resort, as you do, to Viviane Reding, of whom I have fond memories (she was the rapporteur for the December 1990 European Parliament Resolution (A-169) on Languages in the Community and the situation of Catalan, and I attended the session when it was put to the vote). During her recent stay in Andalusia, Madame Reding was interviewed by the Diario de Sevilla. The last two exchanges have to do with Catalonia.  
  • Q -Cataluña plantea actualmente la posibilidad de independizarse. Pero si lo hace debería abandonar la UE y negociar su ingreso. Además, desde su salida habría un agujero en la libertad [de] circulación de personas y bienes en la Unión. (Catalonia is now the possibility of becoming independent. But if it does it would have to leave the EU and negotiate its admission. Moreover, there would be a hole in the freedom of movement of people and goods in the Union)
  • A -No querría inmiscuirme en asuntos de política española, pero no pienso ni por un segundo que Cataluña quiera dejar la UE. Conozco a los catalanes desde hace mucho tiempo, he sido una de las pocas personas no catalanas en recibir la Cruz de Sant Jordi, y sé que su sentimiento es profundamente europeo. (I don't want to interfere in matters of Spanish politics, but I don't fo a moment think that Catalonia would want to leave the EU. I have known the Catalans for a long time, I am one of the few non-Catalans to have been awarded the Cross of St. George, and I know that there feelings are depply European.)s
  • Q -No le pregunto por la posibilidad de que Cataluña quiera o no ser parte de la UE, sino por el proceso que se abre cuando dejen de serlo. Lo dice la Convención de Viena: el Estado resultante de un Estado matriz abandonará todos los organismos internacionales en los que la matriz esté representada. (I'm not asking you about the possibility of Catalonia wanting or not to belong to the UE, but for the process once it ceases to belong to it. The Vienna Convention says as much: the State resulting from the mother State will leave all international bodies in which the mother State is represented.)
  • A -Vamos, hombre, la legislación internacional no dice nada que se parezca a eso. Por favor, resuelvan sus problemas de política interna en España. Yo confío en la mentalidad europea de los catalanes. (Come off it man, international legislation says nothing resembliung that. Please solve your problems of internal politics in Spain. I trust the European mentality of the Catalans).
Some European Union members do have some national skeletons in their cupboard, certainly (Scotland is a case in point). Maybe you could have written a similar article about the EU and Scotland, and maybe you have! But can the EU turn its back on the democratically expressed will of its peoples? Not if it wants to be credible. And I seriously doubt that the level of fiscal spoliation Catalonia's has had to endure for years is felt in other "wannabe" nations, as you put it. To lose 8·4% of Catalonia's GDP every year, over a long period, is utterly crippling, and has lasted so long that Catalonia has dropped from first to fourth place in terms of Spain's regional wealth as a direct result. 

Well before the economic crisis Catalans' welfare was under threat, and even more so now that Spain is dragging its heels miserably over infrastructures that should have been in place years ago. 

  • The main road to France (which is used by 40,000 vehicles every day, largely lorries) still isn't a dual carriageway, and the road works have been completely stopped for years (how many of the 45 lives lost in this time are due to the condition of the road is open to dispute). In the meantime €998M have been earmarked this year for a dual carriageway linking Benavente to Palencia (pop. 19.187 and 82.626 respectively), in Castilla y León.
  • The TGV from Barcelona to France is years behind schedule, while the high-speed railway line from Madrid to Galicia forges ahead. 
  • The Mediterranean corridor to link up ports along the Spanish Mediterranean coast to the railway network north of the Pyrenees, is being held up, despite being an EU priority route for freight transport because of the strategic importance of trade witrh the Middle and Far East. The Spanish government persists in the idea of boring a hole through the widest part of the Pyrenees. 
  • And the list goes on, without leaving the world of economics. 43% of the wealth tax in the whole of Spain is raised in Catalonia, for instance.

The fragmentation of the traditional European states has taken place throughout eastern Europe and quite frankly, what Europe will never allow is for potential internal conflicts to build up into civil wars. If 51% of the population of other stateless nations were to vote for independence, and only 21% against it, who could deny them the right to become states just like Denmark or Lithuania? However, the EUt needs to call Spain (and even an MEP!) and its threatening tones to order, at once.


Finally, I invite you, Mr. Smith, to spend half an hour watching a documentary, in English, on "Spain's Secret Conflict". Yes, you got it: it's Catalonia! You can find it, alongside other videos about the case of Catalonia, here.
 



9/18/2012

Farewell Spain? (Al-Jazeera TV)

Farewell Spain?

Will austerity drive Catalonia to independence? Will Catalonia become Europe's newest state?"
Al-Jazeera
http://stream.aljazeera.com/
Also here (Youtube):
(35 m)

3/05/2012

More than their fair share

[N'hi ha una traducció al català, feta per mi, a la revista TRIBUNAhttp://www.tribuna.cat/opinio/politica/mes-del-que-els-pertoca-05-03-2012.html, amb el títol "Més del que els pertoca". L'original el reprodueixo amb permís de l'autor, que ha demanat restar en l'anonimat]



Over the centuries since Catalonia lost its independence, Catalans have been on the receiving end more than most. Is that what 'belonging' to Spain amounts to?

For over 350 years the troops of the kingdom of Castile have bombarded, besieged and ravaged Catalonia's cities. French armies, in the name of their King and then for the Republic, have annexed large tracts of their land north of the Pyrenees, and have burnt down, among many other monuments, one of the greatest libraries in Europe. The armies of rival Spanish dynastic pretenders have wreaked havoc in our towns and villages. Germans, for their Fuhrer, and Italians, for their Duce, have tried out their military developments and weapons on civilian urban targets. 
 An unholy alliance of Spanish monarchists, fascists and army officers, - with the help of Moorish troops and the support of Catholic Church leaders- have fought for control with defenders of a Republican model of Spain, while the Soviets waged their own war in the streets of Barcelona-, driving thousands of Catalans, including their political, social and scientific elites, into exile over the mountains to avoid still-unpunished bloodbaths and acrid vengeance. 

For some, the miracle is that despite all this, the Catalans still exist as a vibrant people, with a living language, a creative culture and an unflagging will to look to the future.

What a rapidly growing number doesn't understand, however, is why Catalonia is not, like most other European nations, a free country in its own right.

All the more so when in the past year every single opinion poll has shown that those saying they would vote for independence in a referendum outnumber those that say they would vote against, in several recent cases by around twenty percentage points.

The Catalans' resilience is in part due to their traditional posture in the face of - always - far more powerful forces than their own. Theirs is a culture of passive, 'back-office' defiance rather than face-to-face assertiveness. Each time Catalan has been banned in schools, clandestine groups have gathered to share literacy classes, to read literature, to hold secrete poetry competitions. When Catalan (or Valencian, or Majorcan) singers' lyrics have been politically censored they have found  subtle euphemisms to talk about dictatorships and the lack of freedom ('the aging mountain', 'the post'...), or have been forced to earn their living abroad. When publishers were forbidden to print works in Catalan other than those of classical authors (and in archaic spelling), they tricked the system in various ways; one printed the work of a (living!) Classics teacher.

All this, it may be said, belongs to the past. But Catalonia still belongs to Spain, whose elites have for centuries shared a national project in which Catalonia as a differentiated people with a language, a culture, a history, and institutions going back even more centuries has had no place.

It is the past that explains this present European anomaly.

And it is the present that explains why the largest demonstration in the recent history of the continent took place in Barcelona, on July 10 2010, after what many regard as the ultimate attempt, by the main Spanish parties and the Constitutional Court, to humiliate the Catalans and cut back their claims to (greater) autonomy. And why hundreds of grass-root organisations across the country have since held local referenda - with no official sponsorship or public funding whatsoever, but exquisitely organised - on Catalonia's independence. And why the last of them, held on April 10th last year in Barcelona, almost doubled the turnout of a previous popular consultation (on a different issue) organised by the City Council with the backing of a massive budget.

Yet despite the title of this article, the press is full of the opposite message: that Catalonia feels it is getting less than its fair share. And this is also true, and is helping to fuel the flames. Catalonia's economy is being choked by the lack of central government investment. Official statistics show that in 2005 (the last time the figure has been calculated) fiscal spoliation amounted to almost 9% of Catalonia's GDP. Longterm milking of the Catalan economy is exacting a crippling toll, as Catalan firms pay the price in terms of lost competitiveness. What used to be Spain's power-house is scarcely allowed to have intercontinental flights (when, for that matter, did anyone last see an Iberia plane at a Catalan airport?). Work on essential European-gauge railway infrastructures needed to allow the port of Barcelona (and Tarragona... and Valencia and Alicante) to act as the natural nodes of Europe's trade with the Middle and Far Eastern markets is being held up by the Spanish government, which keeps hinting it would prefer to bore a pharaonic tunnel through the Central Pyrenees, even though the French seem unwilling to take on their (monumental) share of the project on the other side.

It can be argued that it is fitting that richer regions pay more and poorer regions receive more. True and reasonable. But not to such a degree (more than twice the upper limit allowed in Federal Germany, for instance), not if this means Catalonia is actually being overtaken by less wealthy regions. And not if two wealthy regions do not pay such contributions at all (and whose inter-regional fiscal deficit as a result is under 3%!).

It is in this context that thousands of Catalan citizens (by no means all Catalan-born and bred; all segments of society are suffering in the crisis because of Catalonia's current status as a region of Spain with very limited powers to overcome) are joining the Assemblea Nacional Catalana (http://www.assemblea.cat) which will hold its first General Assembly on March 10th. This grass-roots organisation already has over 200 local assemblies across the country and aims by democratic means to consolidate the social majority in favour of independence, and to put pressure on the political parties a majority of whose voters support this noble objective to include (in some cases, for the first time) their commitment to independence through a referendum or a plebiscite in their 2014 election manifesto.

Noone hides the gravity of the challenges ahead. On the international front, the precedents are there for all to see. Ruthless Spanish diplomatic pressure on national sports federations around the world, to prevent Catalan federations joining their international sports federations is a good example (a notorious case in point being the International Roller Sports Federation, of which Scotland is a member). It is hard to believe that fully twenty Catalan federations are indeed recognised! Nor are some other countries sympathetic: French courts have blocked the Catalan Rugby Federation, a founder-member of the International Amateur Rugby Federation in 1934, and its attempts to reverse its expulsion in 1941, when the Pétain and the Franco régimes were in power.

Yet the Catalans are learning the virtues of being ambitious. How else could they have achieved a unique internet top-level domain for .CAT, covering the whole Catalan(-speaking) community?

March 10 may prove to be a crucial stepping-stone in the Catalans' steadfast march along the Road Map towards what, after all, is no less (and no more) than what most European peoples have achieved, though often at the expense of tragically shedding blood. It is my heartfelt hope that Europe will endorse, and indeed encourage, the use of democratic means to allow the Catalans to forge their own place in the world and make their contribution to a more just, sustainable and prosperous planet.

9/08/2009

Acte PDD: Cal buscar noves vies més enllà de l’autonomisme

Dimarts, dia 8 de setembre a les 19,30h, a l’Aula Magna de la Facultat d’Història de la Universitat de Barcelona a Ciutat Vella, la Plataforma pel Dret de Decidir ha celebrat l'acte “Cal buscar noves vies més enllà de l’autonomisme”.

El primer a intervenir ha estat Roger Ponts d'Araitaca, que ha explicat que el camí estatutari ha estat un absolut fracàs, que és una via morta, i que a través del model d'estat de les autonomies que respresenta l'estatut, els catalans/es no obtindrem un ple autogovern i una situació econòmica i social puntera dins la Comunitat Europea, tot i l'esforç i energies que hi aportem. Araitaca se centra en fomentar, divulgar i participar en la creació d'un estat d'opinió majoritari favorable a l'autogovern ple de Catalunya, que culmini en la formació d'un estat propi dins la Unió Europea, com a camí per a millorar les condicions de vida dels ciutadans/es de Catalunya. Per això han creat un Observatori del col·lapse de la via estatutària, l'instrument principal del qual és la "teranyina estatutària", que visualitza molt bé com l'estatut implantat constitueix una ínfima part de les necessitats que es va plantejar el país fa 4 anys.

A continuació han parlat Jordi Clopés i Andreu Majó, membres de la comissió organitzadora de la consulta per la independència de Catalunya, que se celebrarà a Arenys d'Amunt diumenge 13 de setembre. Han explicat en detall tot el procés, el protocol elaborat per portar a terme la consulta, i també els mecanismes independents de control i verificació de tot el procés. Han subratllat la força imparable que dóna la unitat d’acció democràtica, i han deixat constància de les múltiples adhesions i oferiments de suport que han rebut d'arreu del país.

A continuació el professor Joan Fonollosa ha presentat un detallat full de ruta cap a la sobirania (que ja fa més d'un any que ha explicat en públic (enllaç actualitzat 23/7/2013) en què al costat de la feina interior d'informació, i l'assumpció dels partits catalans catalanistes del compromís electoral de sumar-se a la futura majoria parlamentària en favor de la independència, hi ha d'haver una feina diplomàtica perquè la declaració del nostre Parlament obtingui el reconeixement internacional.

Després el professor Josep M. Terricabras ha fet unes consideracions de caire més filosòfic, però ha demanat que tothom, ja des d'ara, actuï amb independència personal -si pot ser, amb bon humor!- i com si el nostre país ja fos lliure. Ha acabat la seva intervenció amb la vibrant lectura de part del seu article que havia de sortir al Periódico de Catalunya l'endemà.

Per cloure l'acte Josep Cruanyes, nou president de la PDD, ha presentat un document acordat a la darrera assemblea (de 5 de setembre de 2009) que marca la futura línia estratègica de la PDD.

Per a mi, ha estat un acte d'una maduresa democràtica memorable, una suma de veus més que autoritzades que han fet que en cada cas el nombrós públic els rebés amb llargs i emotius aplaudiments.

Per cert, també Artur Mas ha deixat clar a TV3 que, en el seu cas "a títol personal", votaria a favor de la independència de Catalunya:

Baròmetre de l'ús del català a Internet