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English articles and papers (mostly by me)

Selection of papers, mostly by M. Strubell, on Catalan independence process (PDF):  http://cv.uoc.edu/~grc0_003638_web/150205_Selection.pdf 

January 2017

 December 2016
November 2016

October 2016 

July 2015

  • Catalonia's self-determination process: a bottom-up movement?". Public lecture delivered at the Centre Català de Luxemburg, Luxembourg, July 7th 2015.  http://estudiscatalans.blogspot.com/2015/07/luxembourg.html
March 2015

February 2015

January 2015

December 2014

November 2014

October 2014

September 2014
  • "Civil Engagement on the Road to Self-government". (Conference on the "Rioght to Decide", European Parliament, Brussels, September  23 2014)  
April 2014
March 2014 
December 2013
November 2013
October 2013
September 2013
June 2013
May 2013
April 2013
January 2013
November 2012
October 2012

May 2012

April 2012
March 2012
January 2012 
September 2010
May 2010
November 2009

May 2009
April 2009

December 2007. 

March 2005


Diego Muro & Martijn Vlaskamp (23/7/2014). The Spanish government must find a positive message for Catalonia if it is to reduce support for Catalan independence.
... Our findings seem to suggest that for many Catalans even the threat of EU exclusion is not credible or strong enough to substantially change their preferences.

WILLIAM WALKER (2014). International reactions to the Scottish referendum, International Affairs 90: 4 (2014) 743–759.  http://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/files/chathamhouse/field/field_publication_docs/INTA90_4_001Walker.pdf

... Besides the decorum that informs this position, governments know that referendums are fickle and external intervention can backfire. The only breaks in the silence have occurred when a government has felt its immediate interests to be affected. This happened notably when Madrid became concerned in late 2012 that the Scottish referendum’s nature and occurrence could aggravate the situation in Catalonia. The views of governments may have been expressed on occasion through speeches made by public figures, including retired politicians, but their own silence has been golden—until very recently.

Absence of intervention should not be taken to indicate absence of concern....

...The Edinburgh Agreement turned the possibility that a referendum would be held in Scotland into a political and legal reality.8 This brought the first international reaction, especially in the voicing of concern by a Spanish government struggling to contain an upsurge of nationalist sentiment in Catalonia that was driving calls for a similar referendum on independence. The Spanish reaction provoked debate in turn about an independent Scotland’s right to membership of the European Union and the possibility that some of its members, including Spain, would oppose accession or attach tough conditions to it. Events in the UK and Spain then brought public warnings in November 2012 from Bill Clinton and Madeleine Albright, former US President and Secretary of State respectively, of the dangers of political fragmentation in Europe and its negative consequences for the western alliance. ...

The importance of establishing legality has also been highlighted recently by the Spanish government, with an eye to contrasting the Scottish and proposed Catalonian referendums. ‘If Scotland becomes independent in accordance with the legal and institutional procedures, it will ask for admission [to the EU]. If that process has indeed been legal, that request can be considered. If not, then not.’ (Statement by José-Manuel García-Margallo, Spain’s Foreign Minister, reported by Tobias Buck and Mure Dickie in ‘Spain promises non-interference on Scotland’, Financial Times, 2 Feb. 2014.)
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