Lawyer Gonzalo Boye argues that Spain's judiciary needs to be overhauled, especially at the top, in order not be be put against the ropes by European courts over the Catalan independence issue. I hope the author will authorize this English translation!
if need be to access the whole text.Who wants to reach the finishing line?
Gonzalo BoyeMadrid.
Friday, July 16, 2021.
I do not think there is any need to analyze the latest ruling of the Constitutional Court, on the state of alarm decreed during the peak of the pandemic, to be able to say that we have before us a court that, in the company of other high courts of the state, has abandoned not only its own constitutional framework, but any empathy with reality. The problem is not this judgment, but what it has been doing for too many years.
Some of us have been pointing at the real problem that the Spanish State is facing for a long time, which is not that it is preventing democratic development and consolidation, but that it is dragging it into an involution that distances it more and more from any European parameter.
Until now, when their resolutions only pointed in the direction of the enemy - Basques and Catalans -, many preferred not to see reality and, with this complicit silence, allowed the problem to become chronic, with the consequences that this implies for democratic quality, always precarious in a country with a marked authoritarian tradition.
The underlying problem, so far, is that those who have to decide whether to take the situation as a problem and seek a solution in accordance with the rules of the club to which we belong so far, have little perception of the gravity of the situation and a rucksack laden with silent complicity weighs upon them.
But not only because the problem is not addressed, but also because of a lack of vision for the future and the courage to stand up to a reality that is becoming more unbearable by the day and that, little by little, will not only suffocate Basques and Catalans, but all those who do not agree with the dogmas of a group of power that prefers the NO-DO (Franco's cinema newsreels) to TV news, who miss reality in black and white instead of ascribing themselves to the polychromy of any democratic state.
The Constitutional Court, like the General Council of the Judiciary and the high courts as a whole - full of aspirants to be long to the latter and, therefore, willing to emulate their deeds - , acts as a block because the State is moving towards a process that they left half done during the mis-named, and always trumpeted, Transition.
In any event, and for the purposes of delimiting the problem, we must not think that the issue is the lack of independence of the judiciary, but, as much or more serious, the lack of impartiality of a judiciary and a Constitutional Court that have their own political agenda.
This lack of impartiality is not a result of the relationship with the conflicting parties - a common cause of the loss of impartiality - but of a clear ideological adscription - which goes beyond partisanship - towards postulates that are incompatible with any democratic state and law, and therefore, incompatible with European Union law and its fundamental principles.
For various reasons - many of them unspeakable -, while the issue was about Basques or Catalans, the problem was not seen or not wanted to be seen. Only when it affects or begins to affect other areas and the very management of state policy, is when some begin to open their eyes to be surprised by a reality that, although it was very present, they did not see or accept.
However, leaving deserved reproaches aside, it seems clear that the sooner the problem is broached, the easier it will be to seek, find and implement solutions.
The response to a situation like the current one requires, among other things, a radical paradigm shift. Yes, the problem must be approached from the root and undertaken without complexes, without considerations and, above all, without tutelage or fears.
Equally, to think that the problem is only of the State, or only of the Spaniards, is also a mistake; it is a matter of such great intensity that it must be resolved - loyally and honestly - by all of us in order to pave the way forward, and generating a new scenario that allows progress to be made in solving the problems that affect everyone's rights, including, and especially, the rights of national minorities trapped within a state and structures that we find intolerable.
More clearly, as long as the remaining democratic forces within the State are not helped to solve their problems, it is unlikely that these forces will have the space and room for maneouvre to address a problem that is as urgent as that of the recognition of the basic rights of all the peoples of the Peninsula and, in particular, the right to decide one's future.
In any case, the solution to Spain's structural problems and lack of democratic quality can and must be decided internally within the State. But if this is not done, sooner or later we will be faced with a scenario that, since the persecution of the exiles began, no one has wanted to see and that consists of the solution being imposed from outside.
For various reasons - many of them unspeakable -, while the issue was about Basques or Catalans, the problem was not seen or not wanted to be seen. Only when it affects or begins to affect other areas and the very management of state policy, is when some begin to open their eyes to be surprised by a reality that, although it was very present, they did not see or accept.
However, leaving deserved reproaches aside, it seems clear that the sooner the problem is broached, the easier it will be to seek, find and implement solutions.
The response to a situation like the current one requires, among other things, a radical paradigm shift. Yes, the problem must be approached from the root and undertaken without complexes, without considerations and, above all, without tutelage or fears.
Equally, to think that the problem is only of the State, or only of the Spaniards, is also a mistake; it is a matter of such great intensity that it must be resolved - loyally and honestly - by all of us in order to pave the way forward, and generating a new scenario that allows progress to be made in solving the problems that affect everyone's rights, including, and especially, the rights of national minorities trapped within a state and structures that we find intolerable.
More clearly, as long as the remaining democratic forces within the State are not helped to solve their problems, it is unlikely that these forces will have the space and room for maneouvre to address a problem that is as urgent as that of the recognition of the basic rights of all the peoples of the Peninsula and, in particular, the right to decide one's future.
In any case, the solution to Spain's structural problems and lack of democratic quality can and must be decided internally within the State. But if this is not done, sooner or later we will be faced with a scenario that, since the persecution of the exiles began, no one has wanted to see and that consists of the solution being imposed from outside.
Recently, we saw how the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe put Spanish justice at the level of Turkey's - for good reasons - and this has led to enormous annoyance among those who are the passive subjects of the said report. The problem is that it is not the first nor is it likelty to be the last European pronouncement on the matter.
For skeptics about the possibilities of European justice, this week we saw how the Court of Justice of the European Union agreed to take precautionary measures against Poland for a situation perfectly assimilated in the essential aspects to the Spanish one, and it is about a resolution that, though it is mandatory, is going unnoticed in Spain. Well, it shuldn't be, and those who believe that the Pyrenees will protect them from European courts would do well to study European justice and start thinking about how it will affect them.
To think, as Hungarians and Poles did, that they can stand up to European justice is a mistake. The same can be applied to those who claim that the valid law is the one that emanates from the interpretations of the Spanish Supreme Court or the Constitution.
Now, when the masks are falling and when a set of European decisions in the Catalan case generated from the struggle from exile are pending, would be a good time to know how they will act: if they will isolate us from our geographical and legal environment - with the consequences that this will have - or, on the contrary, if they will let Spain once and for all move towards a democracy that does not need to adjectives beside the word.
Europe is a diesel engine, of the old ones, that is hard to start and even more to get up to cruising speed, but that, when it does, is very difficult to stop.
The Catalans, led from exile with undeniable resilience, with an unquestionable European vision and with an enviable determination, have pushed to start this vehicle and, with the pros and cons, it will reach the destination that all Democrats want... And so here and now the question to be asked is: Who wants to reach the goal?
For skeptics about the possibilities of European justice, this week we saw how the Court of Justice of the European Union agreed to take precautionary measures against Poland for a situation perfectly assimilated in the essential aspects to the Spanish one, and it is about a resolution that, though it is mandatory, is going unnoticed in Spain. Well, it shuldn't be, and those who believe that the Pyrenees will protect them from European courts would do well to study European justice and start thinking about how it will affect them.
To think, as Hungarians and Poles did, that they can stand up to European justice is a mistake. The same can be applied to those who claim that the valid law is the one that emanates from the interpretations of the Spanish Supreme Court or the Constitution.
Now, when the masks are falling and when a set of European decisions in the Catalan case generated from the struggle from exile are pending, would be a good time to know how they will act: if they will isolate us from our geographical and legal environment - with the consequences that this will have - or, on the contrary, if they will let Spain once and for all move towards a democracy that does not need to adjectives beside the word.
Europe is a diesel engine, of the old ones, that is hard to start and even more to get up to cruising speed, but that, when it does, is very difficult to stop.
The Catalans, led from exile with undeniable resilience, with an unquestionable European vision and with an enviable determination, have pushed to start this vehicle and, with the pros and cons, it will reach the destination that all Democrats want... And so here and now the question to be asked is: Who wants to reach the goal?
...oo000ooo...
OPINIÓ
Qui vol arribar a la meta?
Gonzalo Boye
Madrid.
Divendres, 16 de Juliol 2021.
No crec que calgui analitzar l'última sentència del Tribunal Constitucional, sobre l'estat d'alarma decretat durant el moment més àlgid de la pandèmia, per poder afirmar que estem davant d'un tribunal que, en companyia d'altres altes instàncies jurisdiccionals de l'Estat, ha abandonat no només el seu propi marc constitucional, sinó qualsevol empatia amb la realitat. El problema no és aquesta sentència, sinó el que ha estat fent des de ja fa massa anys.
Alguns fa temps que apuntem a l'autèntic problema a què s'enfronta l'estat espanyol i que no és que estigui impedint un desenvolupament i consolidació democràtics, sinó que l'arrossega a una involució que cada dia l'allunya més de qualsevol paràmetre europeu.
Fins ara, quan les seves resolucions només apuntaven en la direcció enemiga ―bascos i catalans―, han estat molts els que han preferit no veure la realitat i, amb aquest silenci còmplice, han permès que el problema es cronifiqui, amb les conseqüències que això implica per a la qualitat democràtica, sempre precària en un país amb una marcada tradició autoritària.
El problema de fons, fins ara, és que els qui han de decidir si assumeixen la situació com un problema i buscar una solució d'acord amb les normes del club al qual fins ara pertanyem, tenen poca percepció de la gravetat de la situació i els pesa una motxilla carregada de complicitats silencioses.
Però no només per això no s'aborda el problema, també per falta de visió de futur i de valentia per plantar-se davant d'una realitat que cada dia es fa més insuportable i que, a poc a poc, no només asfixiarà bascos i catalans, sinó tots aquells que no combreguin amb els dogmes d'un grup de poder que prefereix el NO-DO al telenotícies, que enyoren la realitat en blanc i negre en lloc d'adscriure's a la policromia pròpia de qualsevol estat democràtic.
El Tribunal Constitucional, com el Consell General del Poder Judicial i el conjunt d'altes instàncies jurisdiccionals ―plenes d'aspirants a formar part de les anteriors i, per tant, disposats a emular les seves gestes―, suposa l'impediment perquè l'Estat avanci cap a un procés que van deixar a mig camí en la mal anomenada, i sempre tan esbombada, Transició.
En qualsevol cas, i a efectes de delimitació del problema, no hem de pensar que el tema va de falta d'independència del poder judicial, sinó, tant o més greu, de falta d'imparcialitat d'un poder judicial i un Tribunal Constitucional que tenen agenda política pròpia.
Aquesta falta d'imparcialitat no ve donada per la relació amb les parts en conflicte ―causa comuna de pèrdua d'imparcialitat― sinó per una clara adscripció ideològica ―que va més enllà del partidisme― cap a uns postulats incompatibles amb qualsevol estat democràtic i de dret, per tant, incompatibles amb el dret de la Unió Europea i els seus principis fonamentals.
Per diverses raons ―moltes d'elles inconfessables―, mentre la cosa va anar de bascos o catalans, el problema no es veia o no es volia veure. Quan afecta o comença a afectar altres àmbits i la mateixa gestió de la política estatal, és quan alguns comencen a obrir els ulls mostrant-se sorpresos per una realitat que, tot i que era molt present, no veien ni assumien.
Ara bé, deixant retrets merescuts al marge, sembla clar que com més aviat millor s'assumeixi el problema, més senzill serà buscar, trobar i implementar solucions.
La resposta a una situació com l'actual requereix, entre altres coses, un canvi radical de paradigma. Sí, s'ha d'abordar el problema des de l'arrel i fer-ho sense complexos, sense miraments i, sobretot, sense tuteles ni temors.
Igualment, pensar que el problema és només estatal, o només dels espanyols, és també un error; es tracta d'un assumpte d'una intensitat tan gran que cal solucionar-lo ―lleialment i honestament― entre tots per així aplanar el terreny i que generi un nou escenari que permeti avançar en la solució dels problemes que afecten els drets de tots, inclosos, i especialment, els drets de les minories nacionals atrapades dins d'un Estat i unes estructures que se'ns fan intolerables.
Dit més clarament, mentre no s'ajudi al que queda de forces democràtiques dins de l'Estat a solucionar els seus problemes, difícilment aquestes forces tindran l'espai i el marge de maniobra necessaris per abordar un problema que és urgent com és el del reconeixement dels drets bàsics de tots els pobles de la Península i, en especial, el dret a decidir sobre el futur.
En qualsevol cas, la solució als problemes estructurals i de falta de qualitat democràtica d'Espanya es pot i s'ha de decidir internament ―dins de l'Estat―. Però, si això no es fa, tard o d'hora ens veurem davant d'un escenari que, des que va començar la persecució dels exiliats, ningú no ha volgut veure i que consisteix en el fet que la solució vingui imposada des de fora.
Recentment, hem vist com l'Assemblea Parlamentària del Consell d'Europa posava la justícia espanyola al nivell de la turca ―de raó no els en falta―, i això ha comportat un enuig descomunal en els qui són subjecte passiu de l'esmentat informe. El problema és que no és el primer ni sembla que serà l'últim pronunciament europeu sobre la matèria.
Per als escèptics sobre les possibilitats de la justícia europea, aquesta setmana hem vist com el Tribunal de Justícia de la Unió Europea ha acordat adoptar mesures cautelars en contra de Polònia per una situació perfectament assimilable en els aspectes essencials a l'espanyola i es tracta d'una resolució que, tot i que és d'obligat compliment, està passant desapercebuda a Espanya. Doncs no ho és, i aquells que creuen que els Pirineus els protegiran de la justícia europea ben fet farien d'estudiar-la i de començar a pensar com els afectarà a ells.
Pensar, com feien hongaresos i polonesos, que poden torejar la justícia europea és un error. Això mateix es pot aplicar als qui afirmen que el dret vàlid és el que emana de les interpretacions del Suprem o del Constitucional espanyol.
Ara, quan les caretes van caient i quan estan pendents una sèrie de pronunciaments europeus en el cas català generats a partir de la lluita des de l'exili, seria un bon moment per saber com s'actuarà: si ens aïllaran del nostre entorn geogràfic i jurídic ―amb les conseqüències que això tindrà― o, al contrari, deixaran que d'una vegada per totes Espanya avanci cap a una democràcia que no necessiti ser adjectivada.
Europa és un motor dièsel, dels antics, que tarda a arrencar i més a agafar velocitat de creuer, però que, quan ho fa, és molt difícil de parar.
Els catalans, liderats des de l'exili amb una innegable resiliència, amb una inqüestionable visió europeista i amb una envejable determinació, han empès per engegar aquest vehicle i, amb els pros i els seus contres, arribarà al destí que tots els demòcrates volem... I, per tant, aquí i ara la pregunta que cal fer és: qui vol arribar a la meta?
...ooo000ooo...
"No hi ha mecanismes de rectificació ni de reparació que restitueixin la confiança en la justícia. Un instrument que no es pot reparar funciona cada dia pitjor o deixa de funcionar. I com diria Popper, l'única esperança és erradicar el mal".
Jordi Barbeta
https://www.elnacional.cat/ca/opinio/jordi-barbeta-sincerament-confiar-justicia-espanyola_632042_102_amp.html
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