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12/21/2014
If. Rudyard Kipling (1985)
Vull compartir aquest poema, preciós, i la traducció que en va fer en Francesc Parcerisas.
Missatge del Secretariat Nacional de l'ANC
Benvolgut/da MIQUEL STRUBELL,
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12/19/2014
La integritat territorial dels Estats membres de la UE
1. Consolidated version of the Treaty on European Union
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12/12/2014
Ara Mateix / Right Now
Ara mateix - Silvia Bel - 19 d'octubre de 2014 - Pl. Catalunya. Campanya "Ara És l'Hora"
Clica a sota, a "Més informació", per veure el vídeo i llegir el conegut poema de Miquel Martí i Pol.
Click beneath, on "Més informació", to watch the video and read the well-known poem by Miquel Martí i Pol, translated.
Clica a sota, a "Més informació", per veure el vídeo i llegir el conegut poema de Miquel Martí i Pol.
Click beneath, on "Més informació", to watch the video and read the well-known poem by Miquel Martí i Pol, translated.
Empobriment de la llengua catalana
Tot allò que li hem fet perdre i que cal restituir-li.
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11/26/2014
La mania del "referéndum ilegal" del 9N
És exasperant veure com el Gobierno (i determinats mitjans) s'entesten a parlar contra una activitat que és un compromís electoral, canalitzat a través d'un mecanisme perfectament traçat a l'Estatut vigent.
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11/25/2014
Civi Europaeo Praemium 2014
CARTA OBERTA AL PRESIDENT DEL PARLAMENT EUROPEU
OPEN LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT
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La Fiscalia General de l'Estat ha actuat amb independència respecte del govern espanyol?
Què n'ha dit la premsa. Una breu selecció.
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11/20/2014
"Welsh Civil Society"
Dear Vicepresidents of the European Parliament Sylvie Guillaume (S&D), Ildiko Gall-Pélcz (PPE), Olli Rehn (ALDE), Dimitrios Papadimoulis (GUE), and former president of the European Parliament Enrique Barón Crespo (S&D).
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11/19/2014
Public letter to PM David Cameron on the Catalan issue
Mr. David Cameron, Prime Minister
10 Downing St,
London SW1A 2AA,
United Kingdom
November 18th 2014
Public letter to Rt. Hon. PM David Cameron on the Catalan issue
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11/18/2014
Molt bé, senyora Parellada!
La Senyora Maria Parellada, veïna de Barcelona de 96 anys, ha enviat una carta al Fiscal General de l’Estat amb el següent text:
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11/14/2014
Catalan independence and our cyberwar
There are increasing calls around the world for the Catalans to be able to hold a binding referendum on independence. Newspaper articles editorials are perfectly clear about this. Here is a short sample
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11/06/2014
Manifest d’advocats i advocades per la independència de Catalunya
Nosaltres, advocats i advocades, fem una crida a la societat catalana A PARTICIPAR EL PROPER DIA 9 DE NOVEMBRE, a expressar-se democràticament malgrat les pressions fetes des del Govern de l'Estat i des dels òrgans constitucionals....
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10/31/2014
Ara és l'hora... de les emocions!
Acte de presentació de Psicòlegs per la Independència a Barcelona
Col·legi de Psicòlegs de Catalunya, 30 d'octubre de 2014
Col·legi de Psicòlegs de Catalunya, 30 d'octubre de 2014
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10/23/2014
Proclamació d'independència: programes electorals
Comencen a circular possibles fórmules que constarien com a primer punt del programa electoral pactat, si més no, per totes les forces polítiques que van subscriure la Declaració de Sobirania i el dret de decidir del poble de Catalunya.
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10/22/2014
Against all the odds: David and Goliath. An epic struggle
This is an article I drafted on the plane back from Cork, early in September 2014. But much of the information in it has since been added: things are moving extremely fast, as everyone predicted.
Spain has had months to design its assault on an increasingly besieged (and financially throttled) Catalonia whose government, with a coalition of other parties, stubbornly holds to its commitment to ask its citizens whether or not they want Catalonia to become an independent country. In the lead-up to the November 9 ballot Spain is doing its utmost, thanks to its stranglehold on the main media and courts, to steadily increase its pressure on Catalan leaders and society following former PM Aznar's ominous threat that before breaking Spain, Catalonia itself would be broken. The link is for those who doubt a leading Spanish politician could ever have uttered such a vicious, irresponsible claim.
Spain has been doing its homework for months, funding through a Ministry of Education grant a glossy booklet in various languages, published by the governing party's own Foundation, FAES, in a slanted diatribe containing a host of falsehoods: 20 preguntas con respuesta sobre la secesión de Cataluña. The English version is 20 Questions and Answers on the Secession of Catalonia.
Spain has stolen personal data of members of the grassroots Assemblea Nacional Catalana. There is no hard evidence of the Spanish government's involvement, but the circumstances of the dissemination of the (April 2014) theft are highly suspicious: the news was convieniently leaked to the Madrid press just a few days before what was to be the most spectacular organised demonstration in Catalonia's history: a 7-mile Catalan flag along the two main avenues of Barcelona. Spain is avidly keen on putting the Assemblea on the defensive, or even behind bars. A wild series of claims of its links to ETA have been leaked: ETA designed the Assemblea's strategy, we are told by the Madrid daily ANC (April 2014); what is alleged to be a police report claims that the Assemblea is riddled with terrorists linked to ETA (and to organisations that disbanded 19 years ago), according to El Confidencial (October 2014):
Attacks on it have come on financial and fiscal grounds. Even the purported police report claims that the Assemblea receives Catalan government grants, with no evidence at all (who can there by, if it simply isn't true!?). Its 2014 Action plan was deviously misinterpreted as if it had decided to stop paying taxes, in January 2014, when the plan says these taxes would be channelled through the Catalan government.
In March 2014 PP leaders were reported to be doing their best to get the public prosecutor to investigate the Assemblea. Just a few days later such a request was made openly, by an ultraright wing association, "Manos Limpios", on the purported grounds of illegal activities: to be more precise, illicit association, calling for sedition, and misuse (yet again!) of public funds.
On another front, the attack has been as on grounds of purported tax evasion (El Mundo, April 20 2014). In reports (ABC, September 2 2014), La Información, September 6 2014) "secret" minutes of meetings of the Secretariat were claimed to hint at such evasion. These were published just days before the 7-mile September 11 V-Day rally, which turned out to be a colossal success (see photographs). It was used as an excuse for the Tax authority to start inspecting the Assemblea's accounts for 2011, 2012, 2013 and 2014, which was widely reported on September 27.
On yet another front, the protection of personal data, a few days later (on October 13, the day after the anti-independence rally in central Barcelona flopped) the Spanish government (who many believe were responsible for the April theft) said it would inspect the Assemblea's data protection systems (rather than investigating the theft!).
All this means that the Assemblea began to be taken seriously at a very late stage: only after having organised the September 11 2012 march in Barcelona and the "Catalan Way" human chain on September 11 2013, both of which were historic displays of strength which the Spanish government seems to have thought were organised by the Catalan government!
In the name of a united Spain low-key violence has begun to be reported in the few media that the Spanish government cannot control. One of the three trunks of a highly symbolic tree for "Catalanistes" in the Pyrenees was felled one night. Statues of politicians, living and dead have been mutilated, and at least one of the many pro-independence flags that have been stolen (or their masts sawn through, always at night) was taken by two Spanish policemen driving an umarked car owned by the police. The latest incident was the vandalic maiming of the monument to the Catalan national dance, the Sardana, built in 1966, that is, nine years before General Franco died.
*
*
On the international front, wide-eyed journalists have spoken privately about the earnest efforts being made by Spain's diplomatic service to spoonfeed foreign journalists with its distorted view of the process in which, in horrifying stories, the Catalans are portrayed asbeing little short of poorly disguised Draculas. Diplomats have tried (University of Lisbon Lisbon, February 2014) and even succeeded (Centre for European Policy Studies, Brussels, June 2014) in getting organisers of events in which the Catalan independence process is openly discussed to cancel or postpone such seminars and lectures. Early in September (that is, a week before the V-Day rally) the Spanish Embassy absurdly and at the very last minute cancelled the launch of the Dutch edition of a book (written in Spanish) by a Catalan author, Albert Sànchez Piñol, about the War of Spanish Succession and the years after: Victus. Frantically working overtime, embassy officials throughout the world try and nip in the bud any effort by Catalan leaders to put its case in international forums.
The Spanish government has tried to sell its version of the situation in heavy reports issued by the Foreign Ministry. In December 2013 it sent its embassies a 210-page report entitled "Cataluña en España. Por la convivencia democrática". It broadly follows the UK government's "Better Together" strategy.
From the governing People's Party (PP) the leader of the group in the European Parliament, Esteban González Pons, recently sent a letter (see above) to his fellow MEPs, again portraying Catalonia as being at the edge of a bottomless abyss. He also claims the ballot is illegal and unconstitutional, ignoring (as do all others) the fact that the Constitutional Court made no objection in 2010 (an issue underlined at the time by a rightwing Madrid Unionist paper ABC) to the article in the Statute of Autonomy by virtue of which the 2014 Ballots (other than referendums) Act and the decree were based, and that the Catalan "Statutory Guarantees Council" in its August 17 2014 report did not recommend a single change to the Bill.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (I shall not dwell upon the reason why a political issue that eveyone round the world hastily admits is Spain's internal affair should be in the hands of Spain's minstry for external affairs!) brought out a second, 14-page report (Consecuencias económicas de una Hipotética Independencia de Cataluña) in which the economic and financial future of Catalonia was described in such catastrophic terms (GDP down by 20%, outside the €-zone, untenable sovereign debt, exports slashed...) that it was laughable (picture, El Periódico, March 13 2014):
53·5% Yes / 28·7% No / 9·8% abstention / 8·4% blank vote (item 2b)
Provisionally within while a solution is found:
55·6% Yes / 25·4% No (item 6uep)
Automatically out, and reentry can be vetoed by a single member State.
45·4% Yes / 37·6% No (item 6uen)
Another strong defence of the unity of Spain has come from the left (many of them Communists and former Communists), who argue in a Manifiesto in favour of a strong working class and against "division and confrontation" between the Catalan people and the other Spanish people. Part of their reasoning is exactly the same as that of other Unionists: they speak of "historical, cultural, emotional and family ties".
A truly catastrophic picture of an independent Catalonia was distributed in the form of a leaflet in a free newspaper, 20 Minutos. It had three pages, of which pages 2 and 3 can be downloaded from the web. Page 1 was a call by the so-called "Societat Civil Catalana", for people to take part in their celebration in Tarragona of the Spanish National Holiday, October 12th (the "Fiesta Nacional", also known as "Dia de la Hispanidad" or even, by those with the longest memory, "Dia de la Raza"). Despite free coaches being offered, their call was heeded by 7,000 people at the very most. Returning to the leaflet, it shows the autors do not know how the Eurozone works, how the pension scheme works, how sovereign debts and interest are calculated and funded, or how the European Economic Area works, while revealing an extraordinary level of imagination, albeit entirely negative (covering even organ transplants and xenophobia!). Its contents have been publicly dissected. Founded earlier this year, and publicly launched on April 7th, some suspect "Societat Civil Catalana" of getting under-the-counter help from the Spanish government. To my knowledge, there is no more evidence to support this than opposing claims. And its microfunding must surely be highly successful, as it appeals to many millions of people in most of the rest of Spain.
Professional economists in Catalonia have tried to clarify the prospects of an independent Catalonia. An excellent collective book has recently been translated into English as a free eBook (neither the original authors nor the translators received a cent for their contributions): The Economy of Catalonia: Questions and Answers on the Economic Impact of Independence. Chapter 13 is a goos summary of the main points raised in the book. Another, written by Dr. Elisenda Paluzie, has just been published in Catalan: Podem. Les claus de la viabilitat de la Catalunya independent.
Yet Spanish public opinion (including the members of the Constitutional Court, I frequently have to add!) has for several years been bombarded by a barrage of opinion leaders and statement opposing the idea of Catalonia's independence. A report published in March 2014, Informe: La política catalana a les portades de la premsa espanyola (2011-2013), by Media-Cat, analyses the front-page coverage of Catalan politics in four Madrid dailies, El País, El Mundo, ABC i La Razón over a period of two years. The main themes were the independence process, corruption and the economy were the main issues. As regards the first of the three, 69% of the headlines portrayed the news in a negative light.
Though I regard surveys on the subject with great caution, the trend detected in Spain (including Catalonia!) between January and July 2013 was a declining acceptance of the idea of Catalan independence: down from 50·0% to 41·5% (GESOP).
http://www.elpuntavui.cat/ma/article/3-politica/17-politica/786079-la-premsa-mundial-veu-un-9-n-menys-formal.html
Selection of papers, mostly by M. Strubell, on Catalan independence process). http://cv.uoc.edu/~grc0_003638_web/150205_Selection.pdf
Spain has had months to design its assault on an increasingly besieged (and financially throttled) Catalonia whose government, with a coalition of other parties, stubbornly holds to its commitment to ask its citizens whether or not they want Catalonia to become an independent country. In the lead-up to the November 9 ballot Spain is doing its utmost, thanks to its stranglehold on the main media and courts, to steadily increase its pressure on Catalan leaders and society following former PM Aznar's ominous threat that before breaking Spain, Catalonia itself would be broken. The link is for those who doubt a leading Spanish politician could ever have uttered such a vicious, irresponsible claim.
Spain has been doing its homework for months, funding through a Ministry of Education grant a glossy booklet in various languages, published by the governing party's own Foundation, FAES, in a slanted diatribe containing a host of falsehoods: 20 preguntas con respuesta sobre la secesión de Cataluña. The English version is 20 Questions and Answers on the Secession of Catalonia.
Spain has stolen personal data of members of the grassroots Assemblea Nacional Catalana. There is no hard evidence of the Spanish government's involvement, but the circumstances of the dissemination of the (April 2014) theft are highly suspicious: the news was convieniently leaked to the Madrid press just a few days before what was to be the most spectacular organised demonstration in Catalonia's history: a 7-mile Catalan flag along the two main avenues of Barcelona. Spain is avidly keen on putting the Assemblea on the defensive, or even behind bars. A wild series of claims of its links to ETA have been leaked: ETA designed the Assemblea's strategy, we are told by the Madrid daily ANC (April 2014); what is alleged to be a police report claims that the Assemblea is riddled with terrorists linked to ETA (and to organisations that disbanded 19 years ago), according to El Confidencial (October 2014):
Attacks on it have come on financial and fiscal grounds. Even the purported police report claims that the Assemblea receives Catalan government grants, with no evidence at all (who can there by, if it simply isn't true!?). Its 2014 Action plan was deviously misinterpreted as if it had decided to stop paying taxes, in January 2014, when the plan says these taxes would be channelled through the Catalan government.
In March 2014 PP leaders were reported to be doing their best to get the public prosecutor to investigate the Assemblea. Just a few days later such a request was made openly, by an ultraright wing association, "Manos Limpios", on the purported grounds of illegal activities: to be more precise, illicit association, calling for sedition, and misuse (yet again!) of public funds.
On another front, the attack has been as on grounds of purported tax evasion (El Mundo, April 20 2014). In reports (ABC, September 2 2014), La Información, September 6 2014) "secret" minutes of meetings of the Secretariat were claimed to hint at such evasion. These were published just days before the 7-mile September 11 V-Day rally, which turned out to be a colossal success (see photographs). It was used as an excuse for the Tax authority to start inspecting the Assemblea's accounts for 2011, 2012, 2013 and 2014, which was widely reported on September 27.
On yet another front, the protection of personal data, a few days later (on October 13, the day after the anti-independence rally in central Barcelona flopped) the Spanish government (who many believe were responsible for the April theft) said it would inspect the Assemblea's data protection systems (rather than investigating the theft!).
All this means that the Assemblea began to be taken seriously at a very late stage: only after having organised the September 11 2012 march in Barcelona and the "Catalan Way" human chain on September 11 2013, both of which were historic displays of strength which the Spanish government seems to have thought were organised by the Catalan government!
In the name of a united Spain low-key violence has begun to be reported in the few media that the Spanish government cannot control. One of the three trunks of a highly symbolic tree for "Catalanistes" in the Pyrenees was felled one night. Statues of politicians, living and dead have been mutilated, and at least one of the many pro-independence flags that have been stolen (or their masts sawn through, always at night) was taken by two Spanish policemen driving an umarked car owned by the police. The latest incident was the vandalic maiming of the monument to the Catalan national dance, the Sardana, built in 1966, that is, nine years before General Franco died.
*
*
On the international front, wide-eyed journalists have spoken privately about the earnest efforts being made by Spain's diplomatic service to spoonfeed foreign journalists with its distorted view of the process in which, in horrifying stories, the Catalans are portrayed asbeing little short of poorly disguised Draculas. Diplomats have tried (University of Lisbon Lisbon, February 2014) and even succeeded (Centre for European Policy Studies, Brussels, June 2014) in getting organisers of events in which the Catalan independence process is openly discussed to cancel or postpone such seminars and lectures. Early in September (that is, a week before the V-Day rally) the Spanish Embassy absurdly and at the very last minute cancelled the launch of the Dutch edition of a book (written in Spanish) by a Catalan author, Albert Sànchez Piñol, about the War of Spanish Succession and the years after: Victus. Frantically working overtime, embassy officials throughout the world try and nip in the bud any effort by Catalan leaders to put its case in international forums.
The Spanish government has tried to sell its version of the situation in heavy reports issued by the Foreign Ministry. In December 2013 it sent its embassies a 210-page report entitled "Cataluña en España. Por la convivencia democrática". It broadly follows the UK government's "Better Together" strategy.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (I shall not dwell upon the reason why a political issue that eveyone round the world hastily admits is Spain's internal affair should be in the hands of Spain's minstry for external affairs!) brought out a second, 14-page report (Consecuencias económicas de una Hipotética Independencia de Cataluña) in which the economic and financial future of Catalonia was described in such catastrophic terms (GDP down by 20%, outside the €-zone, untenable sovereign debt, exports slashed...) that it was laughable (picture, El Periódico, March 13 2014):
All of this effort is not only directed at Spain's propaganda abroad, but as food for the Spanish media, to drip-feed into Catalan public opinion. And to be sure, early surveys showed that the continued membership or otherwise of the EU was, for some Catalans, the variable that most influenced their initial position as regards independence. This is exemplified, for instance, in an official survey commisioned by a Catalan government agency (CEO), Mesura de les identitats. Anàlisi d'escales de mesura mitjançant una enquesta experimental no representativa. 2013 - REO 737:
How they would vote (no conditions attached): 53·5% Yes / 28·7% No / 9·8% abstention / 8·4% blank vote (item 2b)
Provisionally within while a solution is found:
55·6% Yes / 25·4% No (item 6uep)
Automatically out, and reentry can be vetoed by a single member State.
45·4% Yes / 37·6% No (item 6uen)
At the more popular level - though some think there are professional trolls working for the Spanish government, a claim that is impossible to confirm - shoals of trolls scour Twitter in search of any excuse to distor, distract, block or simply insult. Those that write without making many spelling mistakes (in Catalan or Spanish) or in passable English seem to be acting in unison, the way flocks of starlings and gulls wheel overhead, or herds of antelopes seem to react simultaneously.
In the face on this onslaught, in which time and again the Spanish government tells Catalans what is legal and what isn't, without any court judgment to support its claims, and celebrates ...
The attack on Catalonia's claim to full nationhood not only comes from the right and the right wing. The new Socialist party (PSOE) leader, Pedro Sánchez said the November 9 ballot was illegal, without even seeing the text of the decree, which was announced late in September! And former Prime Minister Felipe González was fervent in saying Catalonia's independence was impossible, a few days after the Catalan Way in September 2013. The PSOE favour a federalising reform of the Constitution which, quite frankly, is well nigh impossible even in the mèdium term.In the face on this onslaught, in which time and again the Spanish government tells Catalans what is legal and what isn't, without any court judgment to support its claims, and celebrates ...
The leader of the PP in Catalonia, Alicia Sánchez-Camacho, is recorded as literally saying that the acceptance of the temporary suspension of the decree (that was to channel an electoral commitment and a clear parliamentary mandate) by the CC is a wonderful victory for... democracy! (she is widely quoted on the net as having said "Que no se pueda votar es una victoria de la democracia" though I haven't found the original source)
http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=7&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0CFgQFjAG&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.ara.cat%2Fpolitica%2FDICTAMEN-CONSELL-GARANTIES-9-N_ARAFIL20140822_0002.pdf&ei=NztKVJL6MYPLaKDMgOAN&usg=AFQjCNGGUmkrTbHCHLu139cSp_IfHzvovA&sig2=lQky0BkwOOQQjIDxiy60fg&bvm=bv.77880786,d.d2s
Such grotesque claims would deserve a full article, including absurd accusations that we are Nazis and admirers of Hitler and Goebbels (and even Stalin. Metaphors will probably win the day: for instance, portraying Spain as a (single) body and Catalan independence as an amputation. This has been countered, at least since 2010, for instance saying that gangrene requires amputation before the infection reaches the rest of the body. Obviously, an emancipation is a far more appropriate metaphor for supporters of independence: a free decision made by one member, though lamented by the rest!
http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=7&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0CFgQFjAG&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.ara.cat%2Fpolitica%2FDICTAMEN-CONSELL-GARANTIES-9-N_ARAFIL20140822_0002.pdf&ei=NztKVJL6MYPLaKDMgOAN&usg=AFQjCNGGUmkrTbHCHLu139cSp_IfHzvovA&sig2=lQky0BkwOOQQjIDxiy60fg&bvm=bv.77880786,d.d2s
Such grotesque claims would deserve a full article, including absurd accusations that we are Nazis and admirers of Hitler and Goebbels (and even Stalin. Metaphors will probably win the day: for instance, portraying Spain as a (single) body and Catalan independence as an amputation. This has been countered, at least since 2010, for instance saying that gangrene requires amputation before the infection reaches the rest of the body. Obviously, an emancipation is a far more appropriate metaphor for supporters of independence: a free decision made by one member, though lamented by the rest!
Another strong defence of the unity of Spain has come from the left (many of them Communists and former Communists), who argue in a Manifiesto in favour of a strong working class and against "division and confrontation" between the Catalan people and the other Spanish people. Part of their reasoning is exactly the same as that of other Unionists: they speak of "historical, cultural, emotional and family ties".
A truly catastrophic picture of an independent Catalonia was distributed in the form of a leaflet in a free newspaper, 20 Minutos. It had three pages, of which pages 2 and 3 can be downloaded from the web. Page 1 was a call by the so-called "Societat Civil Catalana", for people to take part in their celebration in Tarragona of the Spanish National Holiday, October 12th (the "Fiesta Nacional", also known as "Dia de la Hispanidad" or even, by those with the longest memory, "Dia de la Raza"). Despite free coaches being offered, their call was heeded by 7,000 people at the very most. Returning to the leaflet, it shows the autors do not know how the Eurozone works, how the pension scheme works, how sovereign debts and interest are calculated and funded, or how the European Economic Area works, while revealing an extraordinary level of imagination, albeit entirely negative (covering even organ transplants and xenophobia!). Its contents have been publicly dissected. Founded earlier this year, and publicly launched on April 7th, some suspect "Societat Civil Catalana" of getting under-the-counter help from the Spanish government. To my knowledge, there is no more evidence to support this than opposing claims. And its microfunding must surely be highly successful, as it appeals to many millions of people in most of the rest of Spain.
Professional economists in Catalonia have tried to clarify the prospects of an independent Catalonia. An excellent collective book has recently been translated into English as a free eBook (neither the original authors nor the translators received a cent for their contributions): The Economy of Catalonia: Questions and Answers on the Economic Impact of Independence. Chapter 13 is a goos summary of the main points raised in the book. Another, written by Dr. Elisenda Paluzie, has just been published in Catalan: Podem. Les claus de la viabilitat de la Catalunya independent.
Yet Spanish public opinion (including the members of the Constitutional Court, I frequently have to add!) has for several years been bombarded by a barrage of opinion leaders and statement opposing the idea of Catalonia's independence. A report published in March 2014, Informe: La política catalana a les portades de la premsa espanyola (2011-2013), by Media-Cat, analyses the front-page coverage of Catalan politics in four Madrid dailies, El País, El Mundo, ABC i La Razón over a period of two years. The main themes were the independence process, corruption and the economy were the main issues. As regards the first of the three, 69% of the headlines portrayed the news in a negative light.
Though I regard surveys on the subject with great caution, the trend detected in Spain (including Catalonia!) between January and July 2013 was a declining acceptance of the idea of Catalan independence: down from 50·0% to 41·5% (GESOP).
http://www.elpuntavui.cat/ma/article/3-politica/17-politica/786079-la-premsa-mundial-veu-un-9-n-menys-formal.html
Selection of papers, mostly by M. Strubell, on Catalan independence process). http://cv.uoc.edu/~grc0_003638_web/150205_Selection.pdf
EL REFERÈNDUM CATALÀ, per Roland Vaubel
(Rebut de Pere Grau: 'Traducció
de l'article en alemany, de Roland Vaubel, professor d'economia i de
política econòmica a la universitat de Mannheim. L'article ha
sortit el 15.10.14 a “Wirtschaftliche Freiheit” (llibertat
econòmica) un blog obert a tots els economistes alemanys.')
Clica a "Més informació"
10/18/2014
10/17/2014
Manifest sobre el magistrat Santiago Vidal
Rebut 13/10/2014:
Benvolguts,
Us trameto el manifest que hem fet un grup d’advocats i advocades en suport de Santiago Vidal.
S’hauria de fer créixer ja que dilluns a la una es reuneix la comissió sancionadora.
Les adhesions s'han de trametre al correu manifestsvidal@gmail.com "
Benvolguts,
Us trameto el manifest que hem fet un grup d’advocats i advocades en suport de Santiago Vidal.
S’hauria de fer créixer ja que dilluns a la una es reuneix la comissió sancionadora.
Les adhesions s'han de trametre al correu manifestsvidal@gmail.com "
Per al text, clica a "Més informació" a sota!
10/15/2014
The Economist explains: Catalonia’s independence movement
The Economist explains
Catalonia’s independence movement
http://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2014/10/economist-explains-12
Catalonia’s independence movement
http://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2014/10/economist-explains-12
10/13/2014
Tertúlies amb Gràcia, al CAT
Tertúlia amb Miquel Strubell, dilluns 13 d'octubre, 19:30 h al CAT
Segona trobada del cicle "Tertúlies amb Gràcia", aquest dilluns amb Miquel Strubell, sociolingüista i llicenciat en Psicologia....
10/12/2014
Cambridge: Jocs Florals Revival, 2014
Were it not for Catalonia's will to achieve full home rule, I wouldn't be here. Before you nod sagely - the Jocs Florals Revival has been organised by the England delegation of the Catalan National Assembly (ANC), the hugely successful grassroots movement whose tens of thousands of members agree that history shows (some have just reached this conclusion!) that independence is the only way for the Catalan people to have any hope at all of surviving as a people - let me put you aright. I wouldn't be here ... on this planet.
But for Catalonia's will, intolerant Spain would not have risen in arms against Catalonia's limited level of self-government recovered in the 1930s, and tens of thousands of Catalan would not have had to flee over the border when the Catalan front collapsed early in 1939. Among them, my mother and her family. But for that war, she would not have come to England, for her father, doctor Josep Trueta, had become the world's top specialist in the treatment of war wounds, including thoudands of casualties of aerial bombing of cities, was almost dragged to London to lecture on this issue. This was because there was a growing conviction that Chamberlain's "Peace in Our Time" Munich agreement with Franco's powerful ally, Adolf Hitler, was a farce and that a war in Europe was imminent. And I wouldn't be here had my father, an undergraduate at "the other place", would not have broken off his degree course to enrol on September 3rd 1939 and to serve this country for six years, in the Royal Artillery, the Colonial Service and the Royal Air Force. Thus it was that my parents met at university after the war. My brother Tony and I owe our existence, therefore, to two abominable dictators.
And of course, without Catalonia's continuing and growing will and drive to achieve our freedom, there would be no Assemblea Nacional Catalana, no Assemblea delegation in England... and no Revival event!
I started by talking about 'Catalonia's will' as if it were monolithic. But Catalonia is a multiethnic society and thus far from monolithic. The population more than doubled during the 20th century because of the arrival of over a million Spaniards, to work in Catalonia's thriving industrial economy. Their children and grandchildren are in most cases indistinguishable from 'native' Catalans in their values, knowledge of languages, habits... So the non-binding referendum planned for November 9 will allow us to measure the overall level of political integration as well. Indeed, most of the million people who moved into Catalonia since about 1995 from the third world will also be able to vote, so long as they register beforehand.
Being able to see the world from two perspectives, I was relieved to reach the conclusion that the Catalan way of life and the English one are perfectly compatible (despite what Professor Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté has just told us!). Both are nations of shopkeeepers, as Napoleon apparently said ("une nation de boutiquiers"). Both are caring societies (though the way elections sometimes go makes me wonder how true that is), that value personal initiative and effort. In feudal Cataloinia, laws allowed longstanding farming serfs to become freehold owners of the land they cultivated, and made it worthwhile for them to invest to improve their holdings as tenants. So did the fact that they had to pay fixed quantities of produce to their landlord, which meant the increase in productivity resulting from that investment was theirs to keep. (Castilian law did not envisage change in ownership, and tenants handed in a fixed proportion of their produce). Ironically, the only part of what is now Spain to have weathered well the economic crisis have been the two regions (Navarre and the Basque country) whose funding is agreed with Spain on the Catalan feudal model!
For me, personally, it is moving to have been invited here today, in this revival of the 1956 Jocs Florals, the Catalan poetry competition, held by exiles in the dark days of the Franco regime. Unbeknownst to the organisers, when they invited me, my mother, Amelia Trueta, was the Queen of the Jocs Florals, and dressed as a bride, with bridesmaids. Josepa has just reminded us! They have done a great job with the gallery of photographs of my family, and particularly of my grandfather, professor Josep Trueta. And I'm sure that this tribute is also partly due to his role in founding the organisation that made the 1956 event possible, the still-active Anglo-Catalan Society.
For me it is doubly moving to be back in Ox...bridge. It seems like yesterday (well, the day before yesterday!) that I was an undergraduate, cycling from my College to the Departament just like people around me today, eying the groups of young ladies, enjoying the still-warm autumn sun. But in fact it was a long time ago (I was only seven when I accompanied my family to the Cambridge Jocs Florals!). So please, those of you who are young, please take my word for it, and enjoy life to the full, every single day! And nan excellent to do this will be to attend all the sessions of this cultural event: poetry readings, music, round table, even (excellent!) food!
So, back to this Revival, which is not a competiton this time, but a true festival.
Thanks to the Cambridge Union for having let us use their magnificent premises.
Thanks to all the team that has organised the event, on behalf of those who, like me, have been invited here, and I'm sure, on behalf of all of you here now.
And on behalf of the organising team, a special note of thanks, in Catalan:
Volem agrair molt particularment el nostre companya -que ara s'ha convertit en amic!- la gran feinada que ha fet perquè aquests Jocs Florals fossin possibles. Sense la seva dedicació -amb tota l'energia i il·lusió-, des que el projecte ve començar a gestar fa un any, no hauríem aconseguit el cartell que tenim.
Ell és l'artífex que, en un marc on els catalans i els anglesos sempre hem tingut uns llaços molt estrets com són, en definitiva, la nostra llengua i les nostres arrels, els Jocs Florals que emulen els passats Jocs de 1956, tornin a ser una realitat. Gràcies, Marc Morera!
* Vegeu article de Matthew Tree: www.elpuntavui.cat/noticia/article/7-vista/8-articles/784329-originals.html
Selection of papers, mostly by M. Strubell, on Catalan independence process): http://cv.uoc.edu/~grc0_003638_web/150205_Selection.pdf
And of course, without Catalonia's continuing and growing will and drive to achieve our freedom, there would be no Assemblea Nacional Catalana, no Assemblea delegation in England... and no Revival event!
I started by talking about 'Catalonia's will' as if it were monolithic. But Catalonia is a multiethnic society and thus far from monolithic. The population more than doubled during the 20th century because of the arrival of over a million Spaniards, to work in Catalonia's thriving industrial economy. Their children and grandchildren are in most cases indistinguishable from 'native' Catalans in their values, knowledge of languages, habits... So the non-binding referendum planned for November 9 will allow us to measure the overall level of political integration as well. Indeed, most of the million people who moved into Catalonia since about 1995 from the third world will also be able to vote, so long as they register beforehand.
Being able to see the world from two perspectives, I was relieved to reach the conclusion that the Catalan way of life and the English one are perfectly compatible (despite what Professor Josep Maria Solé i Sabaté has just told us!). Both are nations of shopkeeepers, as Napoleon apparently said ("une nation de boutiquiers"). Both are caring societies (though the way elections sometimes go makes me wonder how true that is), that value personal initiative and effort. In feudal Cataloinia, laws allowed longstanding farming serfs to become freehold owners of the land they cultivated, and made it worthwhile for them to invest to improve their holdings as tenants. So did the fact that they had to pay fixed quantities of produce to their landlord, which meant the increase in productivity resulting from that investment was theirs to keep. (Castilian law did not envisage change in ownership, and tenants handed in a fixed proportion of their produce). Ironically, the only part of what is now Spain to have weathered well the economic crisis have been the two regions (Navarre and the Basque country) whose funding is agreed with Spain on the Catalan feudal model!
For me, personally, it is moving to have been invited here today, in this revival of the 1956 Jocs Florals, the Catalan poetry competition, held by exiles in the dark days of the Franco regime. Unbeknownst to the organisers, when they invited me, my mother, Amelia Trueta, was the Queen of the Jocs Florals, and dressed as a bride, with bridesmaids. Josepa has just reminded us! They have done a great job with the gallery of photographs of my family, and particularly of my grandfather, professor Josep Trueta. And I'm sure that this tribute is also partly due to his role in founding the organisation that made the 1956 event possible, the still-active Anglo-Catalan Society.
For me it is doubly moving to be back in Ox...bridge. It seems like yesterday (well, the day before yesterday!) that I was an undergraduate, cycling from my College to the Departament just like people around me today, eying the groups of young ladies, enjoying the still-warm autumn sun. But in fact it was a long time ago (I was only seven when I accompanied my family to the Cambridge Jocs Florals!). So please, those of you who are young, please take my word for it, and enjoy life to the full, every single day! And nan excellent to do this will be to attend all the sessions of this cultural event: poetry readings, music, round table, even (excellent!) food!
So, back to this Revival, which is not a competiton this time, but a true festival.
Thanks to the Cambridge Union for having let us use their magnificent premises.
Thanks to all the team that has organised the event, on behalf of those who, like me, have been invited here, and I'm sure, on behalf of all of you here now.
And on behalf of the organising team, a special note of thanks, in Catalan:
Volem agrair molt particularment el nostre companya -que ara s'ha convertit en amic!- la gran feinada que ha fet perquè aquests Jocs Florals fossin possibles. Sense la seva dedicació -amb tota l'energia i il·lusió-, des que el projecte ve començar a gestar fa un any, no hauríem aconseguit el cartell que tenim.
Ell és l'artífex que, en un marc on els catalans i els anglesos sempre hem tingut uns llaços molt estrets com són, en definitiva, la nostra llengua i les nostres arrels, els Jocs Florals que emulen els passats Jocs de 1956, tornin a ser una realitat. Gràcies, Marc Morera!
* Vegeu article de Matthew Tree: www.elpuntavui.cat/noticia/article/7-vista/8-articles/784329-originals.html
Selection of papers, mostly by M. Strubell, on Catalan independence process): http://cv.uoc.edu/~grc0_003638_web/150205_Selection.pdf
10/01/2014
Canvis al nou Diccionario de la Lengua Espanyola
Exemple de canvi de definició al nou Diccionario de la Lengua Espanyola, editat per la Real Academia Espanyola (font: Silvia Senz) ...
9/30/2014
Un article de 2010 de l'ABC, i una carta de 2014 a l'ABC
Carta ENVIADA a l'ABC (1 d'octubre de 2014) I ENCARA SENSE PUBLICAR
La consulta sobre el futuro político de Cataluña
Entre las muchísimas barbaridades que se han dicho sobre la Ley, ha sido muy clarificador para mi recuperar su artículo "El TC permite la celebración de consultas populares en Cataluña" (ABC, 9 de julio de 2010), el cual deja ...
9/27/2014
How to try and stop the independence process for a few months
How long does it take to read a text (the Catalan government's decree, announced on Saturday September 27, 10.30 am), call a cabinet meeting to ask the Council of State ...
9/23/2014
The Right To Decide
"Civic Engagement on the Road to Self-government"
Contribution of Miquel Strubell to Conference on "The Right to Decide in the 21st Century: Scotland, Catalonia and Beyond". 25 September 2014. Conference organised by the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization, the European Free Alliance and the Centre Maurits Coppieters. ...
I am most grateful for this invitation, and for the opportunity to explain to this assembly what for me is a unique, unparalleled process to the road towards national independence. I am pleased to convey to you the best wishes of the president of the grassroots organisation I am representing here today, senyora Carme Forcadell. We are really pleased to be able to speak here, not least because of the bizarre things that have been said about us and the process as a whole.
Our process is unique on a number of scores:
The Parliament of Catalonia has on several occasions voted Resolutions (such as R 98/III, on December 12 1989) stating that "Catalonia does not relinquish the right to its self-determination". Again, on October 1 1998, a similar Resolution was adopted.
"Catalunya és una nació", Article 1 of the Draft Statute of Autonomy, adopted on September 2005, reminded us. The Preamble was just as clear: "This Statute is moved by the aspiration, the project and the dream of a Catalonia without any kind of obstacle to the free and full interdependence that a nation needs today ("... mouen aquest Estatut l'aspiració, el projecte i el somni d'una Catalunya sense cap mena d'entrebancs a la lliure i plena interdependència que una nació necessita avui").
However, the Spanish Parliament chopped these texts out of the Statute that it adopted in 2006 and put to the Catalan people.
The "Right to Decide" first appeared on the scene at the end of 2005. The Plataforma pel Dret de Decidir consists of hundreds of organisations supporting the right of self-determination. Shortly after being established, it brought out into the street, beyond its wildest dreams (with hardly any support from institutions or parties), as many as a million Catalans on February 18 2006, to state clearly "We are a Nation, We Have The Right To Decide". It was a call for the September 30 2005 Draft Statute of Autonomy (which received the support of 89% of the Chamber) not to be maimed by the Spanish Parliament. Its call went unheeded, and first the Congress (in 2006) and then the Constitutional Court (in June 2010) in response to an appeal by the People's Party, severely reduced the planned increase in Catalonia's level of self-government.
On July 10 2010 a huge demonstration, which had been planned months ahead (given that news leaked from the Constitutional Court made it clear that their judgment would be a serious cutback in the text of the Statute, which had already been sanctioned by the Catalan people in a referendum) filled the centre of Barcelona. It was organised by a cultural organisation, Omnium Cultural, though with the backing of the three-party Government coalition, which headed the demonstration. Over a million people took part in this march, which simply could not move forward for several hours. It was the last "protest" demonstration, and the following three demonstrations were completely differtent: enthusiastic, looking forward with hope, and positive in outlook.
The Pacte Nacional pel Dret de Decidir, the National Pact for the Right to Decide, consists of hundreds of civil, civic, citizen, cultural, economic, trade union, business organisations; local councils; the parliamentary groups that have given support to the right to decide, and the Government. It first met on June 13 2013. Its manifesto has been signed by over 800 organisations.
The most important grassroots initiative, however, linked up with the "Popular Referenda", following the lead of Arenys de Munt, a medium-sized town about 30 km from Barcelona. These unofficial referenda were held over 500 towns across the country (between September 2009 and April 2011), and about a million people (not a few, in tears) expressed their vote for (in most cases) or against Catalonia's independence. It was during this period that the "Assemblea Nacional Catalana" was devised. When after months of gradually widening an initially very small circle of people invited to join the project, the "Assemblea" was launched on April 30 2011, at the "Conferència Nacional per l'Estat Propi", with a view to holding its first general assembly the following year, and with its sights aimed at a "binding referendum that could be held in 2014". ("amb la mirada fixada en un referèndum vinculant que podria celebrar-se el 2014").
The Assemblea, whose single aim is to achieve the independence of Catalonia, has built up a network of 600 local assemblies (largely in places that had already held popular referenda), which work closely together thanks to the social networks. It has over 70 sectoral assemblies as well, working to persuade collectives close to themn of the advantages of independence. We now have over 70,000 paid-up members and volunteers.
The huge pro-independence demonstration organised by the Assemblea on September 11 2012, just a few months after its formal establishment at the first General Assembly, had immediate political consequences.
The consequences were an early election, sprung by our First Minister, Artur Mas, who included his coalition's election manifesto a commitment to hold a referendum on independence, if at all possible with the consent of the Spanish govenrment. He was returned to power, with a smaller majority, but quickly reached an agrement with the second most voted party, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, whose party commitment is to work towards independence. Several other parliamentary parties support the vote to be held on November 9 2014, a vote announced (with the question) in December 2013, to the surprise of the Spanish government.
However, the 2012 demonstration was surpassed by the meticulously organised "Catalan Way", a 400 km-long human chain of over a million people, from one end of Catalonia to the other (with incidents at the Valencian end, because the Spanish civil guard turned a blind eye to a last-minute court ruling). It was held on September 11 2013. Most people were dressed in yellow teashirts, specially made by the Assemblea for the occasion. They signed up on an interactive map, which made sure there was not a single break in the chain, even in the relatively sparsely inhabited Ebro delta district. The chain proved possible thanks to 1500 coaches, hundreds of thousands of cars, trains and in Barcelona, on the underground... In Barcelona, as was to be expected, the chain was overwhelmed by an uncountable number of people. The coverage by the international press was excellent, and the Wall Street Journal's top photo of the year was by Raymond Roig.
On the political front, the Catalan Parliament voted a "Declaration of Sovereignty and the right to Decide of the People of Catalonia" ("Declaració de sobirania i el dret a decidir del poble de Catalunya", 23 January 2013) which was duly judged unconstitutuional (because the Spanish people and "nation" are indivisible) by the Constitutiional Court which, nevertheless, said it was perfectly legitimate for the authorities to ask the Catalan people's opinion on the issue. That is precisely what we are going to do on November 9th, though the Spanish government is adamant that even the law governing non-binding referenda ("consultes" in Catalan) is unconstitutional, in a desperate effort to block the vote.
The "V for will (voluntat), voting and victory" demonstration in Barcelona on September 11 2014, organised by the Catalan National Assembly and Òmnium Cultural. Well over a million people. We formed two Vs, totalling over 11 km in length, and with the nine stripes of the Catalan flag running down the middle of both avenues. We all wore either red or yellow teashirts. There were long queues at each organisation HQ to buy the shirts.
http://www.tv3.cat/videos/5237271/El-millor-de-la-Via-Catalana-2014" (1'56")
The activities of the Assemblea are wholly, and solely, funded by the members' fees and by merchandising (such as teashirts) and services such as the coaches to attend the demonstrations. Nevertheless, time and again most of the Madrid media accuse us of living off Catalan government grants.
We are in the eye of the hurricane. The Assemblea has come to be seen as the essential element of the process, the bottom-up initiative and pressure. As such, a nationalist organisation has called for us to be outlawed and our chair person imprisoned. Our membership lists were stolen by a hacker in April. The published minutes of our Secretariat have been scrutinised in search of statements with which to accuse of of illegal activities. And a highly sophisticated and expensive operation neutralised most of the mobile phones of the Assemblea secretariat and others such as me, from September 10th to 12th. Both cases are in the hands of the police. The Catalan police.
I will not go into a legal discussion of the right to decide, or the flimsy legal grounds that the Spanish government has to try and block our November 9th vote (as already announced, without yet having seen the text of the decree!). Catalan-readers may be interested to hear the views of professor Mercè Barceló (UAB), spokesperson of a group of legal specialists known as Col·lectiu Praga. http://www.ihmarti.cat/2014/02/conversa-amb-merce-barcelo-catedratica.html
And as to opponents of the November 9 vote, here is the shocking, very recent opinion of a Spanish political leader, Rosa Díez MP:
http://player.vimeo.com/video/106815543
Finally, here are two videos. The first is one of the many video productions the Assemblea has made in the last couple of years, aimed at inviting the Catalan people to vote on November 9th (this one is in English):
The second, "Votarem!" (We'll vote!) was made by the "Ateneu Popular La Pioixa", a small organisation run by the young people of Bordils, a village of just 1,700 inhabitants. Let's hope versions subtitled in other languages can be made!
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h6b7hx1i0og
In conclusion, I call on the members of this Parliament to closely monitor events in Catalonia and Spain. The situation is politically tense, and the SPanish government totally entrenched in its opposition to the Catalans' even exercising their universal right, the freedom of speech. I am sure you have many, many others issues on hand, but the Catalan issue is one of democracy, that ties into the values the defence of which you have been elected to defend and uphold.
Thank you.
Selection of papers, mostly by M. Strubell, on Catalan independence process). http://cv.uoc.edu/~grc0_003638_web/150205_Selection.pdf
Contribution of Miquel Strubell to Conference on "The Right to Decide in the 21st Century: Scotland, Catalonia and Beyond". 25 September 2014. Conference organised by the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization, the European Free Alliance and the Centre Maurits Coppieters. ...
I am most grateful for this invitation, and for the opportunity to explain to this assembly what for me is a unique, unparalleled process to the road towards national independence. I am pleased to convey to you the best wishes of the president of the grassroots organisation I am representing here today, senyora Carme Forcadell. We are really pleased to be able to speak here, not least because of the bizarre things that have been said about us and the process as a whole.
Our process is unique on a number of scores:
- a. It has the utter, complete and evident opposition of the central government. As we shall see, this should come as no surprise, as the general perception in wide segments of Catalan society is that the governing party is anti-Catalan (in Catalonia, it came fifth in the European elections) in both attitude and policies. I shall illustrate this later.
- b. It is the result of a vast grassroots reaction, across the country, to the feeling of powerlessness and, for many, as a fight for the survival of the Catalans as a people.
- c. The central government, indeed the power elite as a whole in Madrid, seems to have totally misjudged the whole process.
The Parliament of Catalonia has on several occasions voted Resolutions (such as R 98/III, on December 12 1989) stating that "Catalonia does not relinquish the right to its self-determination". Again, on October 1 1998, a similar Resolution was adopted.
"Catalunya és una nació", Article 1 of the Draft Statute of Autonomy, adopted on September 2005, reminded us. The Preamble was just as clear: "This Statute is moved by the aspiration, the project and the dream of a Catalonia without any kind of obstacle to the free and full interdependence that a nation needs today ("... mouen aquest Estatut l'aspiració, el projecte i el somni d'una Catalunya sense cap mena d'entrebancs a la lliure i plena interdependència que una nació necessita avui").
The "Right to Decide" first appeared on the scene at the end of 2005. The Plataforma pel Dret de Decidir consists of hundreds of organisations supporting the right of self-determination. Shortly after being established, it brought out into the street, beyond its wildest dreams (with hardly any support from institutions or parties), as many as a million Catalans on February 18 2006, to state clearly "We are a Nation, We Have The Right To Decide". It was a call for the September 30 2005 Draft Statute of Autonomy (which received the support of 89% of the Chamber) not to be maimed by the Spanish Parliament. Its call went unheeded, and first the Congress (in 2006) and then the Constitutional Court (in June 2010) in response to an appeal by the People's Party, severely reduced the planned increase in Catalonia's level of self-government.
On July 10 2010 a huge demonstration, which had been planned months ahead (given that news leaked from the Constitutional Court made it clear that their judgment would be a serious cutback in the text of the Statute, which had already been sanctioned by the Catalan people in a referendum) filled the centre of Barcelona. It was organised by a cultural organisation, Omnium Cultural, though with the backing of the three-party Government coalition, which headed the demonstration. Over a million people took part in this march, which simply could not move forward for several hours. It was the last "protest" demonstration, and the following three demonstrations were completely differtent: enthusiastic, looking forward with hope, and positive in outlook.
The Pacte Nacional pel Dret de Decidir, the National Pact for the Right to Decide, consists of hundreds of civil, civic, citizen, cultural, economic, trade union, business organisations; local councils; the parliamentary groups that have given support to the right to decide, and the Government. It first met on June 13 2013. Its manifesto has been signed by over 800 organisations.
The most important grassroots initiative, however, linked up with the "Popular Referenda", following the lead of Arenys de Munt, a medium-sized town about 30 km from Barcelona. These unofficial referenda were held over 500 towns across the country (between September 2009 and April 2011), and about a million people (not a few, in tears) expressed their vote for (in most cases) or against Catalonia's independence. It was during this period that the "Assemblea Nacional Catalana" was devised. When after months of gradually widening an initially very small circle of people invited to join the project, the "Assemblea" was launched on April 30 2011, at the "Conferència Nacional per l'Estat Propi", with a view to holding its first general assembly the following year, and with its sights aimed at a "binding referendum that could be held in 2014". ("amb la mirada fixada en un referèndum vinculant que podria celebrar-se el 2014").
The Assemblea, whose single aim is to achieve the independence of Catalonia, has built up a network of 600 local assemblies (largely in places that had already held popular referenda), which work closely together thanks to the social networks. It has over 70 sectoral assemblies as well, working to persuade collectives close to themn of the advantages of independence. We now have over 70,000 paid-up members and volunteers.
The huge pro-independence demonstration organised by the Assemblea on September 11 2012, just a few months after its formal establishment at the first General Assembly, had immediate political consequences.
The consequences were an early election, sprung by our First Minister, Artur Mas, who included his coalition's election manifesto a commitment to hold a referendum on independence, if at all possible with the consent of the Spanish govenrment. He was returned to power, with a smaller majority, but quickly reached an agrement with the second most voted party, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, whose party commitment is to work towards independence. Several other parliamentary parties support the vote to be held on November 9 2014, a vote announced (with the question) in December 2013, to the surprise of the Spanish government.
However, the 2012 demonstration was surpassed by the meticulously organised "Catalan Way", a 400 km-long human chain of over a million people, from one end of Catalonia to the other (with incidents at the Valencian end, because the Spanish civil guard turned a blind eye to a last-minute court ruling). It was held on September 11 2013. Most people were dressed in yellow teashirts, specially made by the Assemblea for the occasion. They signed up on an interactive map, which made sure there was not a single break in the chain, even in the relatively sparsely inhabited Ebro delta district. The chain proved possible thanks to 1500 coaches, hundreds of thousands of cars, trains and in Barcelona, on the underground... In Barcelona, as was to be expected, the chain was overwhelmed by an uncountable number of people. The coverage by the international press was excellent, and the Wall Street Journal's top photo of the year was by Raymond Roig.
On the political front, the Catalan Parliament voted a "Declaration of Sovereignty and the right to Decide of the People of Catalonia" ("Declaració de sobirania i el dret a decidir del poble de Catalunya", 23 January 2013) which was duly judged unconstitutuional (because the Spanish people and "nation" are indivisible) by the Constitutiional Court which, nevertheless, said it was perfectly legitimate for the authorities to ask the Catalan people's opinion on the issue. That is precisely what we are going to do on November 9th, though the Spanish government is adamant that even the law governing non-binding referenda ("consultes" in Catalan) is unconstitutional, in a desperate effort to block the vote.
The "V for will (voluntat), voting and victory" demonstration in Barcelona on September 11 2014, organised by the Catalan National Assembly and Òmnium Cultural. Well over a million people. We formed two Vs, totalling over 11 km in length, and with the nine stripes of the Catalan flag running down the middle of both avenues. We all wore either red or yellow teashirts. There were long queues at each organisation HQ to buy the shirts.
http://www.tv3.cat/videos/5237271/El-millor-de-la-Via-Catalana-2014" (1'56")
The activities of the Assemblea are wholly, and solely, funded by the members' fees and by merchandising (such as teashirts) and services such as the coaches to attend the demonstrations. Nevertheless, time and again most of the Madrid media accuse us of living off Catalan government grants.
The current efforts are concentrated "Ara És l'Hora!" (Now is the time!) campaign for the November 9th Yes vote. It is a joint venture of Omnium Cultural and the Assemblea Nacional Catalana. A hundred thousand volunteers are being sought to go door-by-door, in the lead-up to the vote, to see what the population of Catalonia wants as a future for our country, and hopefully to share their vision.
We are in the eye of the hurricane. The Assemblea has come to be seen as the essential element of the process, the bottom-up initiative and pressure. As such, a nationalist organisation has called for us to be outlawed and our chair person imprisoned. Our membership lists were stolen by a hacker in April. The published minutes of our Secretariat have been scrutinised in search of statements with which to accuse of of illegal activities. And a highly sophisticated and expensive operation neutralised most of the mobile phones of the Assemblea secretariat and others such as me, from September 10th to 12th. Both cases are in the hands of the police. The Catalan police.
I will not go into a legal discussion of the right to decide, or the flimsy legal grounds that the Spanish government has to try and block our November 9th vote (as already announced, without yet having seen the text of the decree!). Catalan-readers may be interested to hear the views of professor Mercè Barceló (UAB), spokesperson of a group of legal specialists known as Col·lectiu Praga. http://www.ihmarti.cat/2014/02/conversa-amb-merce-barcelo-catedratica.html
And as to opponents of the November 9 vote, here is the shocking, very recent opinion of a Spanish political leader, Rosa Díez MP:
http://player.vimeo.com/video/106815543
Finally, here are two videos. The first is one of the many video productions the Assemblea has made in the last couple of years, aimed at inviting the Catalan people to vote on November 9th (this one is in English):
The second, "Votarem!" (We'll vote!) was made by the "Ateneu Popular La Pioixa", a small organisation run by the young people of Bordils, a village of just 1,700 inhabitants. Let's hope versions subtitled in other languages can be made!
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h6b7hx1i0og
In conclusion, I call on the members of this Parliament to closely monitor events in Catalonia and Spain. The situation is politically tense, and the SPanish government totally entrenched in its opposition to the Catalans' even exercising their universal right, the freedom of speech. I am sure you have many, many others issues on hand, but the Catalan issue is one of democracy, that ties into the values the defence of which you have been elected to defend and uphold.
Thank you.
Selection of papers, mostly by M. Strubell, on Catalan independence process). http://cv.uoc.edu/~grc0_003638_web/150205_Selection.pdf
7/24/2014
mercedaris
El 9N: la campanya més forta mai feta a Catalunya.
Tots som mercedaris!!!
Tots som mercedaris!!!
"L'Orde Reial i Militar de Nostra Senyora de la Mercè de la Redempció dels Captius, més conegut com ... més
...
...
7/23/2014
"Saule Pērkons Daugava" - El sol, el tro, el riu Daugava
Aquest himne letó no és l'himne nacional. És commovedor com pocs: ho podeu comprovar aquí, o clicant a la imatge. Em fa pensar en el cant de la Senyera!
Més.....
7/07/2014
Discurs meu al Parlament Europeu, 2012
Closing Conference, EUNoM Project,
European Parliament
25 October 2012
Ladies and gentlemen,
For three years it has been my privilege to work together with a group of university lecturers, researchers and business partners in the EUNoM project.
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European Parliament
25 October 2012
Ladies and gentlemen,
For three years it has been my privilege to work together with a group of university lecturers, researchers and business partners in the EUNoM project.
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