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2.19.2017

Ningún Demócrata Puede Quedarse Impasible

1. Ningún demócrata puede quedarse impasible ante el juicio -que nunca debió celebrarse- de tres políticos (Artur Mas, Joana Ortega y Irebe Rigau, esta última en ejercicio) que si se han caracterizado por algo ha sido por el escrupuloso respeto a la legalidad. Resistiendo unas presiones notorias de otros partidos independentistas.

2. Ningún demócrata puede quedarse impasible ante la demora del veredicto del tribunal. Si no se publicara antes del juicio que empieza en el Tribunal Supremo el lunes 27 de enero del otro político encausado, Francesc ("Quico") Homs, y coincidiera con ella, planaría por siempre la duda de si el TSJC habría redactado su sentencia no en función de las pruebas presentadas en Barcelona, sino en función de otras circumstancias, externas y posteriores al juicio que empezó el 6 de febrero. Además, al ser previsible que el veredicto (sea cual fuere) será objeto de recurso al tribunal jerárquicamente superior, cabría añadir otro elemento más perverso: de dejar en papel mojado la posibilidad de presentar recurso con una mínima esperanza de ser escuchado.


3. Ningún demócrata puede quedarse impasible ante la posibilidad de que un solo cargo de un Parlamento, en este caso el catalán, sea apartado de su cargo por poderes externos al poder legislativo. Tanto la Constitución como el Estatut consagran la inviolabilidad tanto de las cámaras legislativas como de las opiniones y votaciones de sus miembros. 

4. Ningún demócrata puede quedarse impasible ante la actual estrategia del Estado en contra de un proceso que ha sido y es meticulosamente democrático y pacífico hacia la independencia de Cataluña, cuando a través de los medios y de las declaraciones de determinadas personas mayores de edad se intenta crear un estado de opinión en el resto de España, según el cual hay en Cataluña una violencia y un clima de violencia gravísimos, que justificarían medidas políticas e incluso medidas de sebguridad. 

¿En fin, dónde están las voces indignadas de los democrátas españoles ante el trato aque está dando el Gobierno español a las multitudinarias demandas de una altísima proporción de la sociedad catalana? Donde está aquel 52% de la población española que ante la hipótesis de que Cataluña celebraba un referéndum y votara a favor de su independència, estaba de acuerdo en que el gobierno español aceptara la voluntad del pueblo catalán?



2.17.2017

"GUERRA INSINÚA QUE HAY QUE SUSPENDER LA AUTONOMÍA DE CATALUÑA"

Carta enviada a "Tiempo Hoy"

Sr. Director,

He leído con estupor, como si fuera de otro país, su resumen, "Guerra insinúa que hay que suspender la autonomía de Cataluña", de un artículo publicado este viernes, según parece, por la revista Tiempo, revista que no leo. Entre colillas, el Sr. Alfonso Guerra se queja de "los casos en los que las autoridades no cumplen con las responsabilidades mandatadas mediante elecciones libres y democráticas". Pero parece no referirse a los partidos y coaliciones que ganaron en septiembre de 2015 las elecciones en Cataluña, cuyos programas decían muy, muy claramente que su objetivo era conseguir la independencia de Cataluña por la vía pacífica y democrática, y que no fueron impugnados por nadie. El Govern de Catalunya, con apoyo de la mayoría absoluta del Parlament de Catalunya, está intentando cumplir con sus "responsabilidades mandatadas mediante elecciones libres y democráticas", justamente esto. Con ofertas repetidas de negociación con el Estado, que todo el mundo sabe (y Guerra reconoce) han caído sobre orejas sordas.

Aparte de esta alarmante contradicción, hay otra afirmación igualmente proecupante muestra de que el Sr. Alfonso Guerra tiene una visión muy alejada de la realidad. Dice, siempre según el artículo citado, que "el nacionalismo [el catalán, se supone] ha interpretado esa pasividad [la de Rajoy] como un signo de debilidad y ha contestado con una escalada de provocaciones y amenazas”.

La escalada de provocaciones empezó el triste día de 2006 en qué el Partido Popular declaró la guerra (valga la redundancia) al proyecto de nuevo Estatuto de Autonomía de Cataluña. La pasividad la ejerció Rodríguez Zapatero (sí, el de la famosa frase "Apoyaré la reforma del Estatuto que apruebe el Parlamento catalán") después de la humiliante sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional de 2010.

Y en la relación entre Cataluña y los gobernantes de España, desde entonces, la "escalada de provocaciones y amenazas" ha sido constante por parte de un gobierno español nada pasivo. Un gobierno español que expulsa ciudadanos extranjeros por ser catalanistas, que no renueva cátedras a personas que, totalmente al margen de su empleo, explican porque son favorables a una Cataluña independiente. Un gobierno que ha decidido prescindir de sus compromisos firmados con Cataluña, de la ley y de decenas de sentencias de los tribunales favorables a Cataluña, aplicando medidas vejatorias contra los ciudadanos de Cataluña (se sientan catalanes o no). Que no ha respetado los compromisos financieros derivados de una ley orgánica. Un gobierno con nos amenaza con dejarnos "vagando en el espacio" si deviene independiente. Que amenazó, sin razón alguna, de quitar a toda la población de Cataluña, lo quiera o no, la ciudadanía española ("y la europea?" incluso preguntó el presidente del gobierno, totalmente descolocado). Que amenazó, sin razón alguna, con retirar las pensiones a los pensionistas residentes en Cataluña. Un gobierno que convierte a sus oponentes políticos en objetivos a destruir en los tribunales mediante interpretaciones perversas de las leyes, con los fiscales en Cataluña forzados en contra de su parecer unánime a llevar acciones penales contra políticos catalanes que han actuado con toda transparencia, en ejercicio de sus responsabilidades y en cumplimiento de sus compromisos electorales, para que los ciudadanos pudieran ejercer unao de los derechos fundamentales: su libertad de expresión. Un Gobierno que actua en contra de la Constitución y de Leyes Orgánicas cuando pretende perseguir penalmente a representantes legítimos del pueblo: el Parlament de Catalunya es inviolable (55.3 EAC) y los miembros del Parlament son inviolables por los votos y las opiniones que emitan en el ejercicio de su cargo (57.1 EAC).

Y para colmo de las provocaciones (las cuales, sin excepción, han sido conllevadas con madura paciencia por Cataluña y los catalanes) el Plan de cercanías de Barcelona 2008-2015, que suponía un compromiso de inversión estatal de €4.000 miliones para modernizar y ampliar las infraestructuras de la red de cercanías. En octubre de 2016 se había cumplido el 10% de la inversión prometida. ¿Cómo entonces, podia el nuevo ministro, ofrecer un nuevo plan sin haber ejecutado el anterior? En Cataluña la pérdida total de credibilidad de los representantes del poder central, sean o no habituales ocupantes del palco del Bernabeu, supone un golpe definitivo para cualquiera que pretenda reconducir la situación sin recurrir, claro está, a intervenciones como las que el Sr. Guerra parece proponer y que corresponden más a un tic dictatorial o absolutista -con un espíritu de colonizador- que a una manera democrática de resolver los problemas.Me pregunto, para acabar, en cuántos artículos de Tiempo se ha dado voz (como ahora a Guerra) a los protagonistas catalanes del proceso hacia la independencia, en los últimos años. A Junqueras? A Mas? A Castellà? A Puigdemont? A Mas Culell? A cuántos prestigiosos intelectuales? 


Quisiera equivocarme -y lo digo sinceramente- pero en Cataluña existe la clara impresión -respaldada, además, con datos objetivos- de qué prácticamente todos los medios de ámbito estatal, públicos y privados, proyectan a sus lectores, oyentes y televidentes una única visión de lo que está pasando en Cataluña -muchas veces con manipulaciones e incluso grandes mentiras, blindadas contra la rectificación-, lo que les esconde buena parte de la realidad, y hace imposible que la gran mayoría sepa los motivos reales, profundos que han movido millones de catalanes a querer (re)constituir su propio Estado. Sin dejar de ser el mejor vecino de España.

The day Puigdemont gets tossed in prison

"The trials that are now underway are just a foretaste. The moment of truth will not take long to arrive. I don't think we will have to wait until June to see president Puigdemont before the courts."

By: Pere Cardús Cardellach
16/02/2017 02:00

Have you noticed how anxious they are? Have you seen how willing they are to make fools of themselves? Do you realise that their attitude is proof of their failure? The show by the Barcelona prosecutor,  Josep Piqué's outbursts, the prosecutor's political statement and final justifications in the trial on the 9 November poll. I do not need to add any more. Every day there are new examples. The fact is that they are very nervous. They were convinced the whole thing was a kind of invention to scrounge more powers. But now they realize that everyone here is committed and that we are steaming ahead. And now they're shitting in their pants.

It can't be easy, if we get inside the mind of one of these colonizers, to absorb the idea that those inferior beings have decided that the show is over. Those boring yet amusing creatures who had dominated for ages, that they had been taught to regard as their property ... Remember the way we used to be treated by many of these colonial agents, who  now moan as if they were victims, and make fools of themselves? Remember that patronizing way they spoke to us! How condescending they were! It can't be easy to digest this change.

Leaving aside their mood, we need to worry about how they can react. I have said more than once that a wounded animal is the most dangerous one. In any case, now the hurdle of the budget has been overcome, the remaining steps to independence are very clear. The disconnection bills have to be put to Parliament, they have to be adopted, the referendum has to be called, and if after the campaign the Yes vote wins,  independence will be proclaimed. But beware: at that moment a new obstacle race will start. But independence will have been proclaimed, and there will be no turning back.

These remaining steps before proclaiming independence seem easy on paper, but are the most tricky and risky moments of all the path covered hitherto. And the most important thing now will be to manage the calendar. This is the most powerful weapon that politics has. Whoever controls the time or if you like, the calendar, has the upper hand. And Spain will do all it can to disrupt whatever plans the pro-independence majority may have. In this regard, before taking any decision one question needs to be answered: are we doing this of our own free will, or because the state leaves us no other option?

My impression - though I am not prone to make predictions - is rhat the trials that are now underway are just a foretaste. The moment of truth will not take long to arrive. I do not think we will have to wait until June to see president Puigdemont before the courts. Are we willing to see Puigdemont behind bars? Spain for months has been weaving a speech to be used to justify strong repression in Catalonia. Lacking arguments and project even have a way-the only way that have really busy during the centuries: the repression. This is their natural language. A language they have only sophisticated a bit when they have wanted to enter clubs like the EU.

I have no idea whether the referendum will be called before or after the summer. Nor do I know if it will be possible to call it or if conditions will allow a complete vote. My feeling is that they think that fear is the only way. And not the fear of losing pensions or of wandering for centuries through outer space. I mean a real and specific threat. Imprisonment and physical impairment. I am not saying this to scare anyone. I say this so that we can get ready and know how to respond worthily to the siege of democracy that our country may have to live through in the months ahead. If we can withstand the onslaught we will have won.

@PereCardus Journalist

2.14.2017

Article by the 13th Marquise of Casa Fuerte

Here is a quick translation of an article, "Aténgase el que atente" written by the 13th Marquise of Casa Fuerte, Cayetana Álvarez de Toledo y Peralta-Ramos (born Madrid, 15/10/1974), published in the Madrid daily "El Mundo" on February 6th. She holds Spanish, French and Argentinian citizenship but is best known as being a Trustee of FAES, the Partido Popular's foundation and think tank, and an MP for that party from 2008 to 2015. In her Wikipedia entry, she explains that In 2014 she was one of its first signatories of the "Constitutionalist" manifesto "Free and Equal" that rejected any kind of negotiation with the Catalan parties that aspire (with an overall majority in parliament, may I add) to independence.

Is this idle speculation, nostalgia for a bygone age? Or a shrewd way for a hardliner to bare the Spanish Establishment's teeth, ahead of a headlong offensive against Catalonia's democratically chosen leaders?


If they jeopardise [the State] they'll have to face the consequences
 
On October 10, 1934, Josep Pla summarized for La Veu de Catalunya the failed attempt by Companys to set up a Catalan State: "We have experienced, in these last few days, the most extensive and deepest subversive movement, perhaps, in our contemporary history. ..]. The men of Esquerra, who governed in the Generalitat [Government] de Catalunya, despite the magnificent privileged position they enjoyed within the regime, a privilege that had never been known to any Catalan political party, believed that they had to play their lot against the policies of the most destructive, most unpopular, and most hated men in general politics. They were wrong, and have paid dearly. Above all, they have jeopardised what should have been sacred for all Catalans in good faith: the policy of Autonomy, the Statute of Catalonia. It is not for us to issue a historical judgment on this vanishing oligarchy. We will say only that Catalonia continues with its tragic history, and that only by eliminating the political frivolity that we have experienced lately will it be possible to correct the path taken".

Historians are excited by tragic parallels. They are the hallmark of the importance of their trade: only memory prevents repetition. Read the debate between Azana and Ortega on the 1932 Catalan Statute [of Autonomy]. Zapatero and Rajoy, déjà vu. And now these words of Pla, that illuminate his present and ours. Then it was Esquerra, today it is Convergència. A frivolous and dying oligarchy has embezzled its position of privilege, has played into the hands of a destructive party, and is responsible for Catalonia perhaps losing its autonomy.


Artur Mas will defend himself today against the attack. He will say that the Spanish Government did not move a finger to prevent what Rajoy and the Minister of Justice called "a mock poll without legal consequences" and that, therefore, the later action of the Prosecutor's Office was politically motivated. It is true. The Government only reacted when it verified the failure of the appeasement. When it received the reproach of stranded citizens. Rajoy has always believed that his own passivity ensures that of others. He has never understood that nationalism is a moving delirium. He has never relied on the political and pedagogical force of the state. There follows Soraya, like the widow Juana, parading the dead dialogue around the towns of Spain. But reality prevails. The conflict between separatism and democracy has entered its final phase. The sprint towards the wall has started.


On Friday, asked about his plans in the face of the secessionist challenge, Rajoy replied: "I will not speak before the event or sayl what we will and will not do." The seditious side feast themselves on all kinds of fantasies about the dawn of independence. But as soon as the law is allowed the slightest realistic story, uproar is unleashed. Let's ignore the shouting. Let us assume that chance can lead to unexpected and (of course) unforeseeable events. And for a moment imagine that the Government applies article 155 of the Constitution.

Artur Mas is barred from public office for the 9 November poll and president Puigdemont calls a referendum on the independence of Catalonia
for the end of May. It is supported by Oriol Junqueras, the CUP and Ada Colau, and the ANC calls for mobilization under the motto Love democracy. The Government challenges the call before the CC (Constitutional court), but also takes its executive responsibility and invokes article 155 of the Constitution. It sends an order to Puigdemont giving him five days to abide by legality. Puigdemont emerges as a victim and steps on the accelerator.

The Government reacts. It listens, once and for all to lawyer Tomás-Ramón Fernández, and the Bank of Spain sends a circular to all banking institutions: they will not be able to pay a single euro from the to the accounts of the Generalitat without the approval of a state auditor. The salaries of doctors are paid. The purchase of polls, no. After five days, the Government appears urgently before the Senate. It presents a list of measures to restore democracy in Catalonia. They are proportional to the severity of the challenge and will be updated as events unfold. The Senate approves the application of article 155 by an absolute majority. The intelligence of Javier Fernandez ensures the firmness of the PSOE.


That same afternoon, the Government suspends
Puigdemont's executive powers. The Spanish Government's delegate in Catalonia becomes the new political authority of the community. He repeals the call for referendum and cancels the agreements for its holding. Junqueras and four reghional ministers rebel and are replaced by civil servsants who know the difference between defending ideas and attacking legality. The new regional minister of Economy puts an end to the spurious use of taxpayers' money. Democracy no longer funds its own destruction. The new Education Minister sends precise instructions to all school principals. The seals will not be needed [to close polling stations].

The insurrection moves to the Catalan Parliament. Forcadell calls for insubmission. The Government replaces her as Speaker of the Chamber and urges the Bureau and MPs to abide by the law. The separatist majority sticks to its guns and accelerates the passage of the laws of disconnection. The Government suspends the Catalan Parliament's legislative powers. Colau takes the baton, and tThe Government applies Article 61 of the Law of Local Government: it dissolves the Barcelona City Council and appoints a caretaker.


The Catalan public media boil in outrage against the State. It is no longer a clown that burns the Constitution before the cameras, but television news bulletins that stir up the uprising. The Government suspends the board members of the Catalan Audiovisual Media Corporation and replaces the directors of TV3 and Catalunya Radio. Listeners will no longer be asked if they are willing to red to "physically prevent" the courts' actions.

Hooded men provoke public disturbances in the centre of Barcelona. They break windows, burn buses and assault law-abiding civil servants. The boss of the Mossos d'Esquadra (Catalan police force) hesitates. Some officers conspire. The Government places the body under the orders of the Ministry of the Interior. Riots increase. The Government, with the support of Congress, applies article 116 of the Constitution and declares the state of emergency in Barcelona. Violent people are arrested and placed at the disposal of the courts. Twenty-four hours later, calm returns. Demonstrators dissolve. Tourists are grateful and the bourgeoisie starts a process of introspection. 
Catalanism has to be rebuilt. Political frivolity needs to be abandoned and the path taken needs to be corrected.

The Government is right: "It is never too late to take drastic measures". But it would have been better to learn from History. And, above all, to understand much sooner that enforcing the law always legitimizes the State.
Baròmetre de l'ús del català a Internet